The Essential Difference between a Muslim and a Believer

قَالَتِ الْأَعْرَابُ آمَنَّا ۖ قُل لَّمْ تُؤْمِنُوا وَلَٰكِن قُولُوا أَسْلَمْنَا وَلَمَّا يَدْخُلِ الْإِيمَانُ فِي قُلُوبِكُمْ ۖ وَإِن تُطِيعُوا اللَّهَ وَرَسُولَهُ لَا يَلِتْكُم مِّنْ أَعْمَالِكُمْ شَيْئًا ۚ إِنَّ اللَّهَ غَفُورٌ رَّحِيمٌ

(Al-Quran,  Al-Hujarat 49:14)

The Al-A’arab say, “We have believed.” Say, “You have not [yet] believed; but say [instead], ‘We have submitted,’ for faith has not yet entered your hearts. And if you obey Allah and His Messenger, He will not deprive you from your deeds of anything. Indeed, Allah is Forgiving and Merciful.”

Islam precedes Faith. Not vice-versa. We become Submitter (Muslim) first before we become Believer (Mukmin). A Believer (Mukmin) is necessarily a Submitter (Muslim), but a Submitter (Muslim) is not necessarily a Believer (Mukmin).

‘Hukum’ in Arabic is ‘Decree’ in English, ‘Hudud’ in Arabic is ‘Boundary or Limit’ in English, and ‘Islam’ in Arabic is ‘Submission or Compliance’ in English.

Putting all the three terms together, we shall have that Muslims are essentially those who are committed to submit and comply to God’s decree on the social behavioral boundaries (of the DOs and DON’Ts) spelt out in the Quran.

That all members of the community, irrespective of Believers and Non-Believers, are compelled to submit and comply to this universal ‘Treaty of Non-Violation and Non-Aggression’ that assures and protects  the rights of individual’s peaceful existence, peaceful living, peaceful private acquisition and possession of land and properties, peaceful assimilation and practice of individual’s faith, religion and culture. For this treaty of freedom, peace and human rights is designed for purpose of achieving peace and order in the Society.

As such, there are essentially only two groups of societal divide, the ‘Muslimuun’ (Submitters to Peace and Human Rights) and the ‘Fasiquun’ (Violaters of Peace and Transgressors against Human Rights).

Quran suggests that ‘Fasiquun’ are rebels and violators of this God’s decreed social behavioral limit. They become transgressors to individual’s rights to become enemies of peace and order, the enemies of God, and enemies of all Humankind. For the majority of Humankind desire life of peace and freedom to acquire and to exercise their basic human rights freely and peacefully.

Meanwhile, developing one from the State (Maqam) of a Submitter (Muslim) to the State (Maqam) of a Believer (Mukmin), which is essentially working within one’s own intra-personal sphere, involves subscription to Faith in God entailing spiritual and moral upbringing that calls for one’s freewill submission to a morality standard and compliance to spiritual guidelines spelt out in the Quran.

إِنَّ الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا وَالَّذِينَ هَادُوا وَالنَّصَارَىٰ وَالصَّابِئِينَ مَنْ آمَنَ بِاللَّهِ وَالْيَوْمِ الْآخِرِ وَعَمِلَ صَالِحًا فَلَهُمْ أَجْرُهُمْ عِندَ رَبِّهِمْ وَلَا خَوْفٌ عَلَيْهِمْ وَلَا هُمْ يَحْزَنُونَ

  (Al-Quran, Al-Baqarah 2:62)

Verily! Those who believe and those who are Jews and Christians, and Sabians, whoever believes in Allah and the Last Day and do righteous good deeds shall have their reward with their Lord, on them shall be no fear, nor shall they grieve.

This one domain God proposes but Taghut opposes deals with the question of morality, privy to individual’s right, that it becomes non-compulsive as it has no direct relevance or influence to peace and order of the society at large.  This is one private affairs and personal matters which God allows freedom of choice whether to submit and comply, or otherwise.

لَا إِكْرَاهَ فِي الدِّينِ ۖ قَد تَّبَيَّنَ الرُّشْدُ مِنَ الْغَيِّ ۚ فَمَن يَكْفُرْ بِالطَّاغُوتِ وَيُؤْمِن بِاللَّهِ فَقَدِ اسْتَمْسَكَ بِالْعُرْوَةِ الْوُثْقَىٰ لَا انفِصَامَ لَهَا ۗ وَاللَّهُ سَمِيعٌ عَلِيمٌ

(Al-Qur’an, Al-Baqarah 2:256)

Let there be no compulsion in religion. Truth stands out clear from Error. Whoever rejects Taghut and believes in Allah hath grasped the most trustworthy hand-hold, that never breaks. And Allah heareth and knoweth all things.

This is one area where enforcement of societal morality standards against others is not allowed by God. God prohibits spying, exposure, raids and trials on moral offenders transacted privately in privacy of private homes and private clubs in peaceful manner, on the basis of mutual consent by two or more willing adults, unless these immoral behaviors are done in the open and exhibited in full public view.

Only under such circumstances it would becomes the purview of the public to deal with it. Otherwise, the public are compelled to leave them alone and in peace, lest the society turn to become ‘fasiquun’ (aggressors) themselves.

However, let there be a group amongst the Believers (Mukmin) be engaged on the moral duty of meeting and mingling with these lost souls to listen and to educate them, that God willing, will bring them to path of Faith out of their own consent and freewill.

كُنتُمْ خَيْرَ أُمَّةٍ أُخْرِجَتْ لِلنَّاسِ تَأْمُرُونَ بِالْمَعْرُوفِ وَتَنْهَوْنَ عَنِ الْمُنكَرِ وَتُؤْمِنُونَ بِاللَّهِ ۗ وَلَوْ آمَنَ أَهْلُ الْكِتَابِ لَكَانَ خَيْرًا لَّهُم ۚ مِّنْهُمُ الْمُؤْمِنُونَ وَأَكْثَرُهُمُ الْفَاسِقُونَ

 (Al-Quran , Ali Imran 3:110)  

You are the best of peoples ever raised up for mankind; you enjoin Al-Ma’ruf and forbid Al-Munkar, and you believe in Allah . And had the people of the Scripture believed, it would have been better for them; among them are some who have faith, but most of them are Fasiq.

Indeed the World should be perceived as having only two societal divides.  One is submitter to peace, freedom and human rights ( “muslimuun”). The other is violator of peace, freedom and human rights (“fasiquun”). One is the friend of Humankind; the other is the enemy of Humankind.

Being “muslim” (submitter) is pertaining to achieving peace, freedom and happiness in the worldly physical (duniawi) life, whilst being “mukmin” (believer) pertains to achieving peace, freedom and happiness in the heavenly spiritual (ukhrawi) life.

So, one needs to be a complete and a balanced person to be both “Muslim” (Submitter) and “Mukmin” (Believer) to be blessed with the best of both the material and the spiritual worlds.

Towards One Nation Truly Free and United

Freedom and democracy may mean one can become member and hold office simultaneously in multiple organizations. All NGOs allow that. Unfortunately, all political parties said to championing freedom and democracy will not allow anyone the liberty of joining and hold office in multiple parties.

Whilst every NGO works toward ‘win-win’ relationship with one another, political parties on the other hand would insist on ‘win-lose’ relationship against each other, because the other party has to lose for the other party to win an election, thus, causing rifts and divisions amongst the people, as well.

For the sake of national unity, freedom and democracy, perhaps, Registrar of Societies (ROS) should relegate all political parties back to normal NGO status, and to allow all NGOs participate in general elections. So that the more NGO one is accepted to join and mandated to hold high offices, the more chance one will win the seat in the general election from apparently stronger support from multiple organizations.

Perhaps, it helps to be prudent in minimizing election time, efforts and expenses that under such system one will not qualify to stand as a candidate for the general election unless one is shortlisted for having received minimum number of nominations from different NGOs. The number may be pre-determined by Election Commission (EC).

While, bearing in mind that all existing political parties are to be relegated to normal NGOs under the proposed new election system, and that the norms of all NGOs allow any member and office bearer the liberty of becoming member and holding offices in multiple NGOs at the same time, it is not impossible for there shall emerge one popular national leader who is elected Presidents or other lesser positions of many national organizations at the same time.

That leads to the possibility that the great number of all popular national leaders will receive unanimous nominations for the respective seats they are contesting to win the respective seats uncontested.

Such opportunities would drastically reduce election expenses. Especially if EC use Government’s allocated election funds to organize and sponsor election’s public rally on common stage at all election centres to be shared by all contesting candidates to hold political campaigns, speeches or debates.

Of course, all government-owned electronic media, especially state or district radios are in the position to allow and allocate ample and free air-time for all election candidates in the state or local district to speak or debate on radios to air their minds and attract votes.

Finally, on post-election, forming the Federal or the respective State Governments, the Federal Cabinet or the respective State Excos, shall be left alone to the respective elected representatives to decide and hold elections or selections amongst themselves.

It should be appreciated under the proposed alternative general election model, the bulk of the election and political campaign costs will be taken up by EC from Government’s general election funds. Candidates will be spared of huge costs.

Election model and system as practiced today all over the world that each candidate will require to come out with huge financial resources to ensure winning an election risks the danger of money politics and political corruptions.

We should not allow election model and processes where parties, or election candidates, will be indebted and prompted to seek ‘political sponsorship’ to create opportunities for undesirable elements, local or international, to ‘buy over’ any political party, to wrest control over partisan members who hold high office ‘to sell’ the Government by influencing Government’s policies and decision making for political and economic gains and interests as a ‘return’ to ‘investment’.

Cabaran Kenegaraan Arab Palestin

Majoriti  negara dunia kini telah mengiktiraf kedua-dua negara yahudi Israel  dan negara arab Palestin untuk menjalin hubungan diplomatik dengan kedua-dua negara tersebut. Cuma sedikit negara yang memilih mengiktiraf  salah satu, manakala ada sebilangan yang telah memutuskan hubungan diplomatik dan menarik balik pengiktirafan mereka terhadap negara Israel.

Sementara negara-negara yang menolak pengiktirafan negara Arab Palestin itu beranggapan tidak wujud entiti negara Arab Palestin yang merdeka (untuk dberi taraf pengiktirafan), selagi wilayah negara yang diisytiharkan itu tidak dibebaskan Israel untuk dikuasai sepenuhnya oleh Arab Palestin.

Sejarah mencatatkan Arab Palestin tidak pernah menguasai wilayah yang diperuntukkan PBB kepadanya.  Lain halnya dengan Yahudi Israel yang telah menuntut hak kenegaraan dan penguasaan ke atas wilayah yang diperuntukkan kepadanya mengikut Resolusi 181 (Partition Plan) PBB 1947 secara mengisytiharkan penubuhan negara Israel pada 14 Mei 1948, sehari sebelum tarikh pelan pengunduran British  dari wilayah bumi Palestin yang dijajahnya.  

Arab Palestin mengambil sikap menolak resolusi PBB yang tersebut dan enggan membuat pengisytiharan serupa untuk menuntut penguasaan dan kemerdekaan negara Arab Palestin di wilayah yang diperuntukkan PBB kepadanya mengikut ‘Partition Plan’ Resolusi 181 PBB sidang 29 November 1947 itu.

Pada hari pengunduran British dari bumi Palestin pada 15 Mei 1948, lima negara jiran Mesir, Syria, Iraq, Lubnan dan Jordan  telah bertindak menyerang bumi Palestin dan menawan wilayah Semenanjung Gaza, Tebing Barat dan Baitulmaqdis Timur. Serangan tersebut mendorong kepada meningkatnya pertambahan pelarian perang Arab Palestin kepada jumlah 713,000 orang.

Sebelum serangan itu 300,000 Arab Palestin telahpun lari meninggalkan Palestin kerana takut menerima nasib sama berikutan peristiwa pembunuhan beramai-ramai 250 orang Arab Palestin, termasuk lebih 100 wanita dan kanak-kanak, dalam serangan tanpa perikemanusiaan di perkampungan Deir Yasin pada 9 April 1948 oleh dua kumpulan militan Yahudi dari kaum Irgun di bawah ketua pemerintah Menachem Begin, dan dari kumpulan Stern Gang di bawah ketua pemerintah Yitzak Shamir.

Mesir kemudiannya menguasai dan mentadbir Semenanjung Gaza, manakala Jordan bukan saja bertindak menguasai malah telah mengisytiharkan Tebing Barat dan Baitulmaqdis Timur menjadi sebahagian wilayah negaranya setelah termeterainya perjanjian gencatan senjata 5 negara Arab yang tersebut degan Israel  pada tahun 1949.

Sembilan belas tahun kemudian pada tahun 1967 Israel mencabul gencatan senjata 1949 untuk melancarkan serangan mengejut  merampas dan menguasai kembali Semenanjung Gaza, Tebing Barat dan  Baitulmaqdis Timur untuk kekal berada di bawah penguasaan Israel sehingga ke hari ini.

Sejak itu Israel telah mula menceroboh dan membina penempatan haram terutama di wilayah Tebing Barat. Regim zionis Israel dengan angkuhnya menjustifikasikan tindakan tersebut sebagai bukan satu pencerobohan ke atas kedaulatan wilayah Arab Palestin,  kerana pada Israel, tidak pernah wujud sebuah negara Arab Palestin yang merdeka di bumi Palestin.

Kita yang umpama ikan Salmon

Menariknya kitaran perjalanan kehidupan seekor ikan salmon adalah seperti melambang dan mencerminkan kitaran perjalanan hidup seorang manusia juga.

Kehidupan setiap ekor ikan salmon bermula di hulu sungai di bukit atau di gunung tempat yang tinggi. Kerana di tempat itu induknya bertelur sebelum mati dan di situlah dia menetas untuk kemudian turun kembara menghilir sungai untuk sampai ke laut ketika mencapai separuh usia.

Kemudian dia berpatah balik menghulu sungai secara melompat-lompat dan bersusah payah mendaki jeram untuk sampai semula ke tempat asalnya untuk menghabiskan usia tuanya untuk bertelur dan mati di situ juga.

Begitulah kitaran kehidupan sebegini berlaku turun-temurun.

Barangkali kita menjadi terfikir betapa bodohnya ikan salmon ini. Kenapa harus turun untuk sampai ke laut, untuk kemudiannya bersusah payah naik semula untuk kembali ke tempat asal. Kenapa tak tinggal saja di tempat asal di situ dari mula sewaktu kecil sehingga usia tua di penghujung hayatnya, sedangkan perjalanan turun naik itu mengundang risiko terkorban dari pemangsa yang sentiasa menunggu peluang sepanjang sungai.

Begitulah kita yang tua-tua yang dah matang dan mencapai umur senja suka menasihati anak muda berdasarkan pengalaman sukar kita untuk jangan buat ‘kerja gila’ macam kita dulu masa muda remaja.

Lalu kita kecewa dengan kedegilan remaja dan anak muda untuk enggan ikut nasihat kita demi kebaikan dan keselamatan mereka juga, yang suka ambil risiko bertindak di luar kemahuan dan jangkaan kita. Sedang kita juga seperti mereka tak mahu dengar kata orang tua di zaman usia muda remaja kita, lalu menjadikan kita insaf dan menyesal pula akhirnya.

Atau biar saja mereka menjalani kitaran kehidupan mereka sendiri. Biar mereka belajar pengalaman pahit dan sukar yang bakal mereka lalui untuk akhirnya menginsafi dan mendewasakan mereka, seperti kita, ibu-bapa kita, dan ikan-ikan salmon itu juga.

Begitulah. Sungguh Jalan (kembali) ke Syurga (yg pernah ditinggalkan Manusia) itu jalan pendakian (melawan tarikan graviti) yg amat sukar yg terpaksa menongkah melawan arus deras dan mengelak pemangsa sebagai halangan dan ujian besar Allah terhadap Manusia.

Kerana itulah harga yg harus Manusia bayar kerana tidak bersyukur dan tidak percayakan nasihat dan larangan Allah utk meninggalkan kehidupan Syurga Akhirat untuk akhirnya terjerumus ke lautan Neraka atas umpanan tarikan kilauan Syurga Dunia.

UN General Assembly Resolution 181

United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181 called for the partition of the British-ruled Palestine Mandate into a Jewish state and an Arab state. It was approved on November 29, 1947 with 33 votes in favor, 13 against, 10 abstentions and one absent (see list at end of document).

The resolution was accepted by the Jews in Palestine, yet rejected by the Arabs in Palestine and the Arab states.

UN General Assembly Resolution 181
(Partition Plan)
November 29, 1947

 

The General Assembly,

Having met in special session at the request of the mandatory Power to constitute and instruct a Special Committee to prepare for the consideration of the question of the future Government of Palestine at the second regular session;

Having constituted a Special Committee and instructed it to investigate all questions and issues relevant to the problem of Palestine, and to prepare proposals for the solution of the problem, and

Having received and examined the report of the Special Committee (document A/364)(1) including a number of unanimous recommendations and a plan of partition with economic union approved by the majority of the Special Committee,

Considers that the present situation in Palestine is one which is likely to impair the general welfare and friendly relations among nations;

Takes note of the declaration by the mandatory Power that it plans to complete its evacuation of Palestine by l August 1948;

Recommends to the United Kingdom, as the mandatory Power for Palestine, and to all other Members of the United Nations the adoption and implementation, with regard to the future Government of Palestine, of the Plan of Partition with Economic Union set out below;

Requests that

1. The Security Council take the necessary measures as provided for in the plan for its implementation;
2. The Security Council consider, if circumstances during the transitional period require such consideration, whether the situation in Palestine constitutes a threat to the peace. If it decides that such a threat exists, and in order to maintain international peace and security, the Security Council should supplement the authorization of the General Assembly by taking measures, under Articles 39 and 41 of the Charter, to empower the United Nations Commission, as provided in this resolution, to exercise in Palestine the functions which are assigned to it by this resolution;
3. The Security Council determine as a threat to the peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression, in accordance with Article 39 of the Charter, any attempt to alter by force the settlement envisaged by this resolution;
4. The Trusteeship Council be informed of the responsibilities envisaged for it in this plan;

Calls upon the inhabitants of Palestine to take such steps as may be necessary on their part to put this plan into effect;

Appeals to all Governments and all peoples to refrain from taking any action which might hamper or delay the carrying out of these recommendations, and

Authorizes the Secretary-General to reimburse travel and subsistence expenses of the members of the Commission referred to in Part 1, Section B, Paragraph I below, on such basis and in such form as he may determine most appropriate in the circumstances, and to provide the Commission with the necessary staff to assist in carrying out the functions assigned to the Commission by the General Assembly.*

The General Assembly,

Authorizes the Secretary-General to draw from the Working Capital Fund a sum not to exceed 2,000,000 dollars for the purposes set forth in the last paragraph of the resolution on the future government of Palestine.
PLAN OF PARTITION WITH ECONOMIC UNION

Part I. – Future Constitution and Government of Palestine

A. TERMINATION OF MANDATE, PARTITION AND INDEPENDENCE

1. The Mandate for Palestine shall terminate as soon as possible but in any case not later than 1 August 1948.
2. The armed forces of the mandatory Power shall be progressively withdrawn from Palestine, the withdrawal to be completed as soon as possible but in any case not later than 1 August 1948.
   The mandatory Power shall advise the Commission, as far in advance as possible, of its intention to terminate the mandate and to evacuate each area. The mandatory Power shall use its best endeavours to ensure that an area situated in the territory of the Jewish State, including a seaport and hinterland adequate to provide facilities for a substantial immigration, shall be evacuated at the earliest possible date and in any event not later than 1 February 1948.
3. Independent Arab and Jewish States and the Special International Regime for the City of Jerusalem, set forth in Part III of this Plan, shall come into existence in Palestine two months after the evacuation of the armed forces of the mandatory Power has been completed but in any case not later than 1 October 1948. The boundaries of the Arab State, the Jewish State, and the City of Jerusalem shall be as described in Parts II and III below.
4. The period between the adoption by the General Assembly of its recommendation on the question of Palestine and the establishment of the independence of the Arab and Jewish States shall be a transitional period.

B. STEPS PREPARATORY TO INDEPENDENCE

1. A Commission shall be set up consisting of one representative of each of five Member States. The Members represented on the Commission shall be elected by the General Assembly on as broad a basis, geographically and otherwise, as possible.
2. The administration of Palestine shall, as the mandatory Power withdraws its armed forces, be progressively turned over to the Commission, which shall act in conformity with the recommendations of the General Assembly, under the guidance of the Security Council. The mandatory Power shall to the fullest possible extent coordinate its plans for withdrawal with the plans of the Commission to take over and administer areas which have been evacuated.
   In the discharge of this administrative responsibility the Commission shall have authority to issue necessary regulations and take other measures as required.
   The mandatory Power shall not take any action to prevent, obstruct or delay the implementation by the Commission of the measures recommended by the General Assembly.
3. On its arrival in Palestine the Commission shall proceed to carry out measures for the establishment of the frontiers of the Arab and Jewish States and the City of Jerusalem in accordance with the general lines of the recommendations of the General Assembly on the partition of Palestine. Nevertheless, the boundaries as described in Part II of this Plan are to be modified in such a way that village areas as a rule will not be divided by state boundaries unless pressing reasons make that necessary.
4. The Commission, after consultation with the democratic parties and other public organizations of the Arab and Jewish States, shall select and establish in each State as rapidly as possible a Provisional Council of Government. The activities of both the Arab and Jewish Provisional Councils of Government shall be carried out under the general direction of the Commission.
   If by 1 April 1948 a Provisional Council of Government cannot be selected for either of the States, or, if selected, cannot carry out its functions, the Commission shall communicate that fact to the Security Council for such action with respect to that State as the Security Council may deem proper, and to the Secretary-General for communication to the Members of the United Nations.
5. Subject to the provisions of these recommendations, during the transitional period the Provisional Councils of Government, acting under the Commission, shall have full authority in the areas under their control including authority over matters of immigration and land regulation.
6. The Provisional Council of Government of each State, acting under the Commission, shall progressively receive from the Commission full responsibility for the administration of that State in the period between the termination of the Mandate and the establishment of the State’s independence.
7. The Commission shall instruct the Provisional Councils of Government of both the Arab and Jewish States, after their formation, to proceed to the establishment of administrative organs of government, central and local.
8. The Provisional Council of Government of each State shall, within the shortest time possible, recruit an armed militia from the residents of that State, sufficient in number to maintain internal order and to prevent frontier clashes.
   This armed militia in each State shall, for operational purposes, be under the command of Jewish or Arab officers resident in that State, but general political and military control, including the choice of the militia’s High Command, shall be exercised by the Commission.
9. The Provisional Council of Government of each State shall, not later than two months after the withdrawal of the armed forces of the mandatory Power, hold elections to the Constituent Assembly which shall be conducted on democratic lines.
   The election regulations in each State shall be drawn up by the Provisional Council of Government and approved by the Commission. Qualified voters for each State for this election shall be persons over eighteen years of age who are (a) Palestinian citizens residing in that State; and (b) Arabs and Jews residing in the State, although not Palestinian citizens, who, before voting, have signed a notice of intention to become citizens of such State.
   Arabs and Jews residing in the City of Jerusalem who have signed a notice of intention to become citizens, the Arabs of the Arab State and the Jews of the Jewish State, shall be entitled to vote in the Arab and Jewish States respectively.
   Women may vote and be elected to the Constituent Assemblies.
   During the transitional period no Jew shall be permitted to establish residence in the area of the proposed Arab State, and no Arab shall be permitted to establish residence in the area of the proposed Jewish State, except by special leave of the Commission.
10. The Constituent Assembly of each State shall draft a democratic constitution for its State and choose a provisional government to succeed the Provisional Council of Government appointed by the Commission. The Constitutions of the States shall embody Chapters 1 and 2 of the Declaration provided for in section C below and include, inter alia, provisions for:
    1. Establishing in each State a legislative body elected by universal suffrage and by secret ballot on the basis of proportional representation, and an executive body responsible to the legislature;
    2. Settling all international disputes in which the State may be involved by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered;
    3. Accepting the obligation of the State to refrain in its international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purpose of the United Nations;
    4. Guaranteeing to all persons equal and non-discriminatory rights in civil, political, economic and religious matters and the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of religion, language, speech and publication, education, assembly and association;
    5. Preserving freedom of transit and visit for all residents and citizens of the other State in Palestine and the City of Jerusalem, subject to considerations of national security, provided that each State shall control residence within its borders.
11. The Commission shall appoint a preparatory economic commission of three members to make whatever arrangements are possible for economic co-operation, with a view to establishing, as soon as practicable, the Economic Union and the Joint Economic Board, as provided in section D below.
12. During the period between the adoption of the recommendations on the question of Palestine by the General Assembly and the termination of the Mandate, the mandatory Power in Palestine shall maintain full responsibility for administration in areas from which it has not withdrawn its armed forces. The Commission shall assist the mandatory Power in the carrying out of these functions. Similarly the mandatory Power shall co-operate with the Commission in the execution of its functions.
13. With a view to ensuring that there shall be continuity in the functioning of administrative services and that, on the withdrawal of the armed forces of the mandatory Power, the whole administration shall be in the charge of the Provisional Councils and the Joint Economic Board, respectively, acting under the Commission, there shall be a progressive transfer, from the mandatory Power to the Commission, of responsibility for all the functions of government, including that of maintaining law and order in the areas from which the forces of the mandatory Power have been withdrawn.
14. The Commission shall be guided in its activities by the recommendations of the General Assembly and by such instructions as the Security Council may consider necessary to issue.
    The measures taken by the Commission, within the recommendations of the General Assembly, shall become immediately effective unless the Commission has previously received contrary instructions from the Security Council.
    The Commission shall render periodic monthly progress reports, or more frequently if desirable, to the Security Council.
15. The Commission shall make its final report to the next regular session of the General Assembly and to the Security Council simultaneously.

C. DECLARATION

A declaration shall be made to the United Nations by the Provisional Government of each proposed State before independence. It shall contain, inter alia, the following clauses:

General Provision

The stipulations contained in the Declaration are recognized as fundamental laws of the State and no law, regulation or official action shall conflict or interfere with these stipulations, nor shall any law, regulation or official action prevail over them.

 

Chapter I: Holy Places, Religious Buildings and Sites

1. Existing rights in respect of Holy Places and religious buildings or sites shall not be denied or impaired.
2. In so far as Holy Places are concerned, the liberty of access, visit, and transit shall be guaranteed, in conformity with existing rights, to all residents and citizen of the other State and of the City of Jerusalem, as well as to aliens, without distinction as to nationality, subject to requirements of national security, public order and decorum.
   Similarly, freedom of worship shall be guaranteed in conformity with existing rights, subject to the maintenance of public order and decorum.
3. Holy Places and religious buildings or sites shall be preserved. No act shall be permitted which may in an way impair their sacred character. If at any time it appears to the Government that any particular Holy Place, religious, building or site is in need of urgent repair, the Government may call upon the community or communities concerned to carry out such repair. The Government may carry it out itself at the expense of the community or community concerned if no action is taken within a reasonable time.
4. No taxation shall be levied in respect of any Holy Place, religious building or site which was exempt from taxation on the date of the creation of the State.
   No change in the incidence of such taxation shall be made which would either discriminate between the owners or occupiers of Holy Places, religious buildings or sites, or would place such owners or occupiers in a position less favourable in relation to the general incidence of taxation than existed at the time of the adoption of the Assembly’s recommendations.
5. The Governor of the City of Jerusalem shall have the right to determine whether the provisions of the Constitution of the State in relation to Holy Places, religious buildings and sites within the borders of the State and the religious rights appertaining thereto, are being properly applied and respected, and to make decisions on the basis of existing rights in cases of disputes which may arise between the different religious communities or the rites of a religious community with respect to such places, buildings and sites. He shall receive full co-operation and such privileges and immunities as are necessary for the exercise of his functions in the State.

Chapter 2: Religious and Minority Rights

1. Freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of worship, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, shall be ensured to all.
2. No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants on the ground of race, religion, language or sex.
3. All persons within the jurisdiction of the State shall be entitled to equal protection of the laws.
4. The family law and personal status of the various minorities and their religious interests, including endowments, shall be respected.
5. Except as may be required for the maintenance of public order and good government, no measure shall be taken to obstruct or interfere with the enterprise of religious or charitable bodies of all faiths or to discriminate against any representative or member of these bodies on the ground of his religion or nationality.
6. The State shall ensure adequate primary and secondary education for the Arab and Jewish minority, respectively, in its own language and its cultural traditions.
   The right of each community to maintain its own schools for the education of its own members in its own language, while conforming to such educational requirements of a general nature as the State may impose, shall not be denied or impaired. Foreign educational establishments shall continue their activity on the basis of their existing rights.
7. No restriction shall be imposed on the free use by any citizen of the State of any language in private intercourse, in commerce, in religion, in the Press or in publications of any kind, or at public meetings.(3)
8. No expropriation of land owned by an Arab in the Jewish State (by a Jew in the Arab State)(4) shall be allowed except for public purposes. In all cases of expropriation full compensation as fixed by the Supreme Court shall be said previous to dispossession.

Chapter 3: Citizenship, International Conventions and Financial Obligations

1. Citizenship

Palestinian citizens residing in Palestine outside the City of Jerusalem, as well as Arabs and Jews who, not holding Palestinian citizenship, reside in Palestine outside the City of Jerusalem shall, upon the recognition of independence, become citizens of the State in which they are resident and enjoy full civil and political rights. Persons over the age of eighteen years may opt, within one year from the date of recognition of independence of the State in which they reside, for citizenship of the other State, providing that no Arab residing in the area of the proposed Arab State shall have the right to opt for citizenship in the proposed Jewish State and no Jew residing in the proposed Jewish State shall have the right to opt for citizenship in the proposed Arab State. The exercise of this right of option will be taken to include the wives and children under eighteen years of age of persons so opting.

Arabs residing in the area of the proposed Jewish State and Jews residing in the area of the proposed Arab State who have signed a notice of intention to opt for citizenship of the other State shall be eligible to vote in the elections to the Constituent Assembly of that State, but not in the elections to the Constituent Assembly of the State in which they reside.

2. International conventions

1. The State shall be bound by all the international agreements and conventions, both general and special, to which Palestine has become a party. Subject to any right of denunciation provided for therein, such agreements and conventions shall be respected by the State throughout the period for which they were concluded.
2. Any dispute about the applicability and continued validity of international conventions or treaties signed or adhered to by the mandatory Power on behalf of Palestine shall be referred to the International Court of Justice in accordance with the provisions of the Statute of the Court.

3. Financial obligations

1. The State shall respect and fulfil all financial obligations of whatever nature assumed on behalf of Palestine by the mandatory Power during the exercise of the Mandate and recognized by the State. This provision includes the right of public servants to pensions, compensation or gratuities.
2. These obligations shall be fulfilled through participation in the Joint Economic Board in respect of those obligations applicable to Palestine as a whole, and individually in respect of those applicable to, and fairly apportionable between, the States.
3. A Court of Claims, affiliated with the Joint Economic Board, and composed of one member appointed by the United Nations, one representative of the United Kingdom and one representative of the State concerned, should be established. Any dispute between the United Kingdom and the State respecting claims not recognized by the latter should be referred to that Court.
4. Commercial concessions granted in respect of any part of Palestine prior to the adoption of the resolution by the General Assembly shall continue to be valid according to their terms, unless modified by agreement between the concession-holders and the State.

Chapter 4: Miscellaneous Provisions

1. The provisions of chapters 1 and 2 of the declaration shall be under the guarantee of the United Nations, and no modifications shall be made in them without the assent of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Any Member of the United Nations shall have the right to bring to the attention of the General Assembly any infraction or danger of infraction of any of these stipulations, and the General Assembly may thereupon make such recommendations as it may deem proper in the circumstances.
2. Any dispute relating to the application or interpretation of this declaration shall be referred, at the request of either party, to the International Court of Justice, unless the parties agree to another mode of settlement.

D. ECONOMIC UNION AND TRANSIT

1. The Provisional Council of Government of each State shall enter into an undertaking with respect to Economic Union and Transit. This undertaking shall be drafted by the Commission provided for in section B, paragraph 1, utilizing to the greatest possible extent the advice and cooperation of representative organizations and bodies from each of the proposed States. It shall contain provisions to establish the Economic Union of Palestine and provide for other matters of common interest. If by 1 April 1948 the Provisional Councils of Government have not entered into the undertaking, the undertaking shall be put into force by the Commission.

The Economic Union of Palestine

2. The objectives of the Economic Union of Palestine shall be:
   1. A customs union;
   2. A joint currency system providing for a single foreign exchange rate;
   3. Operation in the common interest on a non-discriminatory basis of railways inter-State highways; postal, telephone and telegraphic services and ports and airports involved in international trade and commerce;
   4. Joint economic development, especially in respect of irrigation, land reclamation and soil conservation;
   5. Access for both States and for the City of Jerusalem on a non-discriminatory basis to water and power facilities.
3. There shall be established a Joint Economic Board, which shall consist of three representatives of each of the two States and three foreign members appointed by the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. The foreign members shall be appointed in the first instance for a term of three years; they shall serve as individuals and not as representatives of States.
4. The functions of the Joint Economic Board shall be to implement either directly or by delegation the measures necessary to realize the objectives of the Economic Union. It shall have all powers of organization and administration necessary to fulfil its functions.
5. The States shall bind themselves to put into effect the decisions of the Joint Economic Board. The Board’s decisions shall be taken by a majority vote.
6. In the event of failure of a State to take the necessary action the Board may, by a vote of six members, decide to withhold an appropriate portion of the part of the customs revenue to which the State in question is entitled under the Economic Union. Should the State persist in its failure to cooperate, the Board may decide by a simple majority vote upon such further sanctions, including disposition of funds which it has withheld, as it may deem appropriate.
7. In relation to economic development, the functions of the Board shall be planning, investigation and encouragement of joint development projects, but it shall not undertake such projects except with the assent of both States and the City of Jerusalem, in the event that Jerusalem is directly involved in the development project.
8. In regard to the joint currency system, the currencies circulating in the two States and the City of Jerusalem shall be issued under the authority of the Joint Economic Board, which shall be the sole issuing authority and which shall determine the reserves to be held against such currencies.
9. So far as is consistent with paragraph 2(b) above, each State may operate its own central bank, control its own fiscal and credit policy, its foreign exchange receipts and expenditures, the grant of import licences, and may conduct international financial operations on its own faith and credit. During the first two years after the termination of the Mandate, the Joint Economic Board shall have the authority to take such measures as may be necessary to ensure that – to the extent that the total foreign exchange revenues of the two States from the export of goods and services permit, and provided that each State takes appropriate measures to conserve its own foreign exchange resources – each State shall have available, in any twelve months’ period, foreign exchange sufficient to assure the supply of quantities of imported goods and services for consumption in its territory equivalent to the quantities of such goods and services consumed in that territory in the twelve months’ period ending 31 December 1947.
10. All economic authority not specifically vested in the Joint Economic Board is reserved to each State.
11. There shall be a common customs tariff with complete freedom of trade between the States, and between the States and the City of Jerusalem.
12. The tariff schedules shall be drawn up by a Tariff Commission, consisting of representatives of each of the States in equal numbers, and shall be submitted to the Joint Economic Board for approval by a majority vote. In case of disagreement in the Tariff Commission, the Joint Economic Board shall arbitrate the points of difference. In the event that the Tariff Commission fails to draw up any schedule by a date to be fixed, the Joint Economic Board shall determine the tariff schedule.
13. The following items shall be a first charge on the customs and other common revenue of the Joint Economic Board:
    1. The expenses of the customs service and of the operation of the joint services;
    2. The administrative expenses of the Joint Economic Board;
    3. The financial obligations of the Administration of Palestine, consisting of:
       1. The service of the outstanding public debt;
       2. The cost of superannuation benefits, now being paid or falling due in the future, in accordance with the rules and to the extent established by paragraph 3 of chapter 3 above.
14. After these obligations have been met in full, the surplus revenue from the customs and other common services shall be divided in the following manner: not less than 5 per cent and not more than 10 per cent to the City of Jerusalem; the residue shall be allocated to each State by the Joint Economic Board equitably, with the objective of maintaining a sufficient and suitable level of government and social services in each State, except that the share of either State shall not exceed the amount of that State’s contribution to the revenues of the Economic Union by more than approximately four million pounds in any year. The amount granted may be adjusted by the Board according to the price level in relation to the prices prevailing at the time of the establishment of the Union. After five years, the principles of the distribution of the joint revenue may be revised by the Joint Economic Board on a basis of equity.
15. All international conventions and treaties affecting customs tariff rates, and those communications services under the jurisdiction of the Joint Economic Board, shall be entered into by both States. In these matters, the two States shall be bound to act in accordance with the majority of the Joint Economic Board.
16. The Joint Economic Board shall endeavour to secure for Palestine’s exports fair and equal access to world markets.
17. All enterprises operated by the Joint Economic Board shall pay fair wages on a uniform basis.

Freedom of Transit and Visit

18. The undertaking shall contain provisions preserving freedom of transit and visit for all residents or citizens of both States and of the City of Jerusalem, subject to security considerations; provided that each State and the City shall control residence within its borders.

Termination, Modification and Interpretation of the Undertaking

19. The undertaking and any treaty issuing therefrom shall remain in force for a period of ten years. It shall continue in force until notice of termination, to take effect two years thereafter, is given by either of the parties.
20. During the initial ten-year period, the undertaking and any treaty issuing therefrom may not be modified except by consent of both parties and with the approval of the General Assembly.
21. Any dispute relating to the application or the interpretation of the undertaking and any treaty issuing therefrom shall be referred, at the request of either party, to the International Court Of Justice, unless the parties agree to another mode of settlement.

E. ASSETS

1. The movable assets of the Administration of Palestine shall be allocated to the Arab and Jewish States and the City of Jerusalem on an equitable basis. Allocations should be made by the United Nations Commission referred to iii section B, paragraph 1, above. Immovable assets shall become the property of the government of the territory in which they are situated.
2. During the period between the appointment of the United Nations Commission and the termination of the Mandate, the mandatory Power shall, except in respect of ordinary operations, consult with the Commission on any measure which it may contemplate involving the liquidation, disposal or encumbering of the assets of the Palestine Government, such as the accumulated treasury surplus, the proceeds of Government bond issues, State lands or any other asset.

F. ADMISSION TO MEMBERSHIP IN THE UNITED NATIONS

When the independence of either the Arab or the Jewish State as envisaged in this plan has become effective and the declaration and undertaking, as envisaged in this plan, have been signed by either of them, sympathetic consideration should be given to its application for admission to membership in the United Nations in accordance with article 4 of the Charter of the United Nations.

Part II. – Boundaries

A. THE ARAB STATE

The area of the Arab State in Western Galilee is bounded on the west by the Mediterranean and on the north by the frontier of the Lebanon from Ras en Naqura to a point north of Saliha. From there the boundary proceeds southwards, leaving the built-up area of Saliha in the Arab State, to join the southernmost point of this village. There it follows the western boundary line of the villages of ‘Alma, Rihaniya and Teitaba, thence following the northern boundary line of Meirun village to join the Acre-Safad Sub-District boundary line. It follows this line to a point west of Es Sammu’i village and joins it again at the northernmost point of Farradiya. Thence it follows the sub-district boundary line to the Acre-Safad main road. From here it follows the western boundary of Kafr-I’nan village until it reaches the Tiberias-Acre Sub-District boundary line, passing to the west of the junction of the Acre-Safad and Lubiya-Kafr-I’nan roads. From the south-west corner of Kafr-I’nan village the boundary line follows the western boundary of the Tiberias Sub-District to a point close to the boundary line between the villages of Maghar and ‘Eilabun, thence bulging out to the west to include as much of the eastern part of the plain of Battuf as is necessary for the reservoir proposed by the Jewish Agency for the irrigation of lands to the south and east.

The boundary rejoins the Tiberias Sub-District boundary at a point on the Nazareth-Tiberias road south-east of the built-up area of Tur’an; thence it runs southwards, at first following the sub-district boundary and then passing between the Kadoorie Agricultural School and Mount Tabor, to a point due south at the base of Mount Tabor. From here it runs due west, parallel to the horizontal grid line 230, to the north-east corner of the village lands of Tel Adashim. It then runs to the northwest corner of these lands, whence it turns south and west so as to include in the Arab State the sources of the Nazareth water supply in Yafa village. On reaching Ginneiger it follows the eastern, northern and western boundaries of the lands of this village to their south-west comer, whence it proceeds in a straight line to a point on the Haifa-Afula railway on the boundary between the villages of Sarid and El-Mujeidil. This is the point of intersection. The south-western boundary of the area of the Arab State in Galilee takes a line from this point, passing northwards along the eastern boundaries of Sarid and Gevat to the north-eastern corner of Nahalal, proceeding thence across the land of Kefar ha Horesh to a central point on the southern boundary of the village of ‘Ilut, thence westwards along that village boundary to the eastern boundary of Beit Lahm, thence northwards and north-eastwards along its western boundary to the north-eastern corner of Waldheim and thence north-westwards across the village lands of Shafa ‘Amr to the southeastern corner of Ramat Yohanan. From here it runs due north-north-east to a point on the Shafa ‘Amr-Haifa road, west of its junction with the road of I’billin. From there it proceeds north-east to a point on the southern boundary of I’billin situated to the west of the I’billin-Birwa road. Thence along that boundary to its westernmost point, whence it turns to the north, follows across the village land of Tamra to the north-westernmost corner and along the western boundary of Julis until it reaches the Acre-Safad road. It then runs westwards along the southern side of the Safad-Acre road to the Galilee-Haifa District boundary, from which point it follows that boundary to the sea.

The boundary of the hill country of Samaria and Judea starts on the Jordan River at the Wadi Malih south-east of Beisan and runs due west to meet the Beisan-Jericho road and then follows the western side of that road in a north-westerly direction to the junction of the boundaries of the Sub-Districts of Beisan, Nablus, and Jenin. From that point it follows the Nablus-Jenin sub-District boundary westwards for a distance of about three kilometres and then turns north-westwards, passing to the east of the built-up areas of the villages of Jalbun and Faqqu’a, to the boundary of the Sub-Districts of Jenin and Beisan at a point northeast of Nuris. Thence it proceeds first northwestwards to a point due north of the built-up area of Zie’in and then westwards to the Afula-Jenin railway, thence north-westwards along the District boundary line to the point of intersection on the Hejaz railway. From here the boundary runs southwestwards, including the built-up area and some of the land of the village of Kh. Lid in the Arab State to cross the Haifa-Jenin road at a point on the district boundary between Haifa and Samaria west of El- Mansi. It follows this boundary to the southernmost point of the village of El-Buteimat. From here it follows the northern and eastern boundaries of the village of Ar’ara rejoining the Haifa-Samaria district boundary at Wadi ‘Ara, and thence proceeding south-south-westwards in an approximately straight line joining up with the western boundary of Qaqun to a point east of the railway line on the eastern boundary of Qaqun village. From here it runs along the railway line some distance to the east of it to a point just east of the Tulkarm railway station. Thence the boundary follows a line half-way between the railway and the Tulkarm-Qalqiliya-Jaljuliya and Ras El-Ein road to a point just east of Ras El-Ein station, whence it proceeds along the railway some distance to the east of it to the point on the railway line south of the junction of the Haifa-Lydda and Beit Nabala lines, whence it proceeds along the southern border of Lydda airport to its south-west corner, thence in a south-westerly direction to a point just west of the built-up area of Sarafand El ‘Amar, whence it turns south, passing just to the west of the built-up area of Abu El-Fadil to the north-east corner of the lands of Beer Ya’aqov. (The boundary line should be so demarcated as to allow direct access from the Arab State to the airport.) Thence the boundary line follows the western and southern boundaries of Ramle village, to the north-east corner of El Na’ana village, thence in a straight line to the southernmost point of El Barriya, along the eastern boundary of that village and the southern boundary of ‘Innaba village. Thence it turns north to follow the southern side of the Jaffa-Jerusalem road until El-Qubab, whence it follows the road to the boundary of Abu-Shusha. It runs along the eastern boundaries of Abu Shusha, Seidun, Hulda to the southernmost point of Hulda, thence westwards in a straight line to the north-eastern corner of Umm Kalkha, thence following the northern boundaries of Umm Kalkha, Qazaza and the northern and western boundaries of Mukhezin to the Gaza District boundary and thence runs across the village lands of El-Mismiya El-Kabira, and Yasur to the southern point of intersection, which is midway between the built-up areas of Yasur and Batani Sharqi.

From the southern point of intersection the boundary lines run north-westwards between the villages of Gan Yavne and Barqa to the sea at a point half way between Nabi Yunis and Minat El-Qila, and south-eastwards to a point west of Qastina, whence it turns in a south-westerly direction, passing to the east of the built-up areas of Es Sawafir Esh Sharqiya and ‘Ibdis. From the south-east corner of ‘Ibdis village it runs to a point southwest of the built-up area of Beit ‘Affa, crossing the Hebron-El-Majdal road just to the west of the built-up area of ‘Iraq Suweidan. Thence it proceeds southward along the western village boundary of El-Faluja to the Beersheba Sub-District boundary. It then runs across the tribal lands of ‘Arab El-Jubarat to a point on the boundary between the Sub-Districts of Beersheba and Hebron north of Kh. Khuweilifa, whence it proceeds in a south-westerly direction to a point on the Beersheba-Gaza main road two kilometres to the north-west of the town. It then turns south-eastwards to reach Wadi Sab’ at a point situated one kilometer to the west of it. From here it turns north-eastwards and proceeds along Wadi Sab’ and along the Beersheba-Hebron road for a distance of one kilometer, whence it turns eastwards and runs in a straight line to Kh. Kuseifa to join the Beersheba-Hebron Sub-District boundary. It then follows the Beersheba-Hebron boundary eastwards to a point north of Ras Ez-Zuweira, only departing from it so as to cut across the base of the indentation between vertical grid lines 150 and 160.

About five kilometres north-east of Ras Ez-Zuweira it turns north, excluding from the Arab State a strip along the coast of the Dead Sea not more than seven kilometres in depth, as far as ‘Ein Geddi, whence it turns due east to join the Transjordan frontier in the Dead Sea.

The northern boundary of the Arab section of the coastal plain runs from a point between Minat El-Qila and Nabi Yunis, passing between the built-up areas of Gan Yavne and Barqa to the point of intersection. From here it turns south-westwards, running across the lands of Batani Sharqi, along the eastern boundary of the lands of Beit Daras and across the lands of Julis, leaving the built-up areas of Batani Sharqi and Julis to the westwards, as far as the north-west corner of the lands of Beit-Tima. Thence it runs east of El-Jiya across the village lands of El-Barbara along the eastern boundaries of the villages of Beit Jirja, Deir Suneid and Dimra. From the south-east corner of Dimra the boundary passes across the lands of Beit Hanun, leaving the Jewish lands of Nir-Am to the eastwards. From the south-east corner of Beit Hanun the line runs south-west to a point south of the parallel grid line 100, then turns north-west for two kilometres, turning again in a southwesterly direction and continuing in an almost straight line to the north-west corner of the village lands of Kirbet Ikhza’a. From there it follows the boundary line of this village to its southernmost point. It then runs in a southerly direction along the vertical grid line 90 to its junction with the horizontal grid line 70. It then turns south-eastwards to Kh. El-Ruheiba and then proceeds in a southerly direction to a point known as El-Baha, beyond which it crosses the Beersheba-EI ‘Auja main road to the west of Kh. El-Mushrifa. From there it joins Wadi El-Zaiyatin just to the west of El-Subeita. From there it turns to the north-east and then to the south-east following this Wadi and passes to the east of ‘Abda to join Wadi Nafkh. It then bulges to the south-west along Wadi Nafkh, Wadi ‘Ajrim and Wadi Lassan to the point where Wadi Lassan crosses the Egyptian frontier.

The area of the Arab enclave of Jaffa consists of that part of the town-planning area of Jaffa which lies to the west of the Jewish quarters lying south of Tel-Aviv, to the west of the continuation of Herzl street up to its junction with the Jaffa-Jerusalem road, to the south-west of the section of the Jaffa-Jerusalem road lying south-east of that junction, to the west of Miqve Yisrael lands, to the northwest of Holon local council area, to the north of the line linking up the north-west corner of Holon with the northeast corner of Bat Yam local council area and to the north of Bat Yam local council area. The question of Karton quarter will be decided by the Boundary Commission, bearing in mind among other considerations the desirability of including the smallest possible number of its Arab inhabitants and the largest possible number of its Jewish inhabitants in the Jewish State.

B. THE JEWISH STATE

The north-eastern sector of the Jewish State (Eastern Galilee) is bounded on the north and west by the Lebanese frontier and on the east by the frontiers of Syria and Trans-jordan. It includes the whole of the Huleh Basin, Lake Tiberias, the whole of the Beisan Sub-District, the boundary line being extended to the crest of the Gilboa mountains and the Wadi Malih. From there the Jewish State extends north-west, following the boundary described in respect of the Arab State. The Jewish section of the coastal plain extends from a point between Minat El-Qila and Nabi Yunis in the Gaza Sub-District and includes the towns of Haifa and Tel-Aviv, leaving Jaffa as an enclave of the Arab State. The eastern frontier of the Jewish State follows the boundary described in respect of the Arab State.

The Beersheba area comprises the whole of the Beersheba Sub-District, including the Negeb and the eastern part of the Gaza Sub-District, but excluding the town of Beersheba and those areas described in respect of the Arab State. It includes also a strip of land along the Dead Sea stretching from the Beersheba-Hebron Sub-District boundary line to ‘Ein Geddi, as described in respect of the Arab State.

C. THE CITY OF JERUSALEM

The boundaries of the City of Jerusalem are as defined in the recommendations on the City of Jerusalem. (See Part III, section B, below).

Part III. – City of Jerusalem(5)

A. SPECIAL REGIME

The City of Jerusalem shall be established as a corpus separatum under a special international regime and shall be administered by the United Nations. The Trusteeship Council shall be designated to discharge the responsibilities of the Administering Authority on behalf of the United Nations.

B. BOUNDARIES OF THE CITY

The City of Jerusalem shall include the present municipality of Jerusalem plus the surrounding villages and towns, the most eastern of which shall be Abu Dis; the most southern, Bethlehem; the most western, ‘Ein Karim (including also the built-up area of Motsa); and the most northern Shu’fat, as indicated on the attached sketch-map (annex B).

C. STATUTE OF THE CITY

The Trusteeship Council shall, within five months of the approval of the present plan, elaborate and approve a detailed statute of the City which shall contain, inter alia, the substance of the following provisions:

1. Government machinery; special objectives. The Administering Authority in discharging its administrative obligations shall pursue the following special objectives:
   1. To protect and to preserve the unique spiritual and religious interests located in the city of the three great monotheistic faiths throughout the world, Christian, Jewish and Moslem; to this end to ensure that order and peace, and especially religious peace, reign in Jerusalem;
   2. To foster cooperation among all the inhabitants of the city in their own interests as well as in order to encourage and support the peaceful development of the mutual relations between the two Palestinian peoples throughout the Holy Land; to promote the security, well-being and any constructive measures of development of the residents having regard to the special circumstances and customs of the various peoples and communities.
2. Governor and Administrative staff. A Governor of the City of Jerusalem shall be appointed by the Trusteeship Council and shall be responsible to it. He shall be selected on the basis of special qualifications and without regard to nationality. He shall not, however, be a citizen of either State in Palestine.
   The Governor shall represent the United Nations in the City and shall exercise on their behalf all powers of administration, including the conduct of external affairs. He shall be assisted by an administrative staff classed as international officers in the meaning of Article 100 of the Charter and chosen whenever practicable from the residents of the city and of the rest of Palestine on a non-discriminatory basis. A detailed plan for the organization of the administration of the city shall be submitted by the Governor to the Trusteeship Council and duly approved by it.
3. 3. Local autonomy
   1. The existing local autonomous units in the territory of the city (villages, townships and municipalities) shall enjoy wide powers of local government and administration.
   2. The Governor shall study and submit for the consideration and decision of the Trusteeship Council a plan for the establishment of special town units consisting, respectively, of the Jewish and Arab sections of new Jerusalem. The new town units shall continue to form part the present municipality of Jerusalem.
4. Security measures
   1. The City of Jerusalem shall be demilitarized; neutrality shall be declared and preserved, and no para-military formations, exercises or activities shall be permitted within its borders.
   2. Should the administration of the City of Jerusalem be seriously obstructed or prevented by the non-cooperation or interference of one or more sections of the population the Governor shall have authority to take such measures as may be necessary to restore the effective functioning of administration.
   3. To assist in the maintenance of internal law and order, especially for the protection of the Holy Places and religious buildings and sites in the city, the Governor shall organize a special police force of adequate strength, the members of which shall be recruited outside of Palestine. The Governor shall be empowered to direct such budgetary provision as may be necessary for the maintenance of this force.
5. Legislative Organization.
   A Legislative Council, elected by adult residents of the city irrespective of nationality on the basis of universal and secret suffrage and proportional representation, shall have powers of legislation and taxation. No legislative measures shall, however, conflict or interfere with the provisions which will be set forth in the Statute of the City, nor shall any law, regulation, or official action prevail over them. The Statute shall grant to the Governor a right of vetoing bills inconsistent with the provisions referred to in the preceding sentence. It shall also empower him to promulgate temporary ordinances in case the Council fails to adopt in time a bill deemed essential to the normal functioning of the administration.
6. Administration of Justice.
   The Statute shall provide for the establishment of an independent judiciary system, including a court of appeal. All the inhabitants of the city shall be subject to it.
7. Economic Union and Economic Regime.
   The City of Jerusalem shall be included in the Economic Union of Palestine and be bound by all stipulations of the undertaking and of any treaties issued therefrom, as well as by the decisions of the Joint Economic Board. The headquarters of the Economic Board shall be established in the territory City. The Statute shall provide for the regulation of economic matters not falling within the regime of the Economic Union, on the basis of equal treatment and non-discrimination for all members of thc United Nations and their nationals.
8. Freedom of Transit and Visit: Control of residents.
   Subject to considerations of security, and of economic welfare as determined by the Governor under the directions of the Trusteeship Council, freedom of entry into, and residence within the borders of the City shall be guaranteed for the residents or citizens of the Arab and Jewish States. Immigration into, and residence within, the borders of the city for nationals of other States shall be controlled by the Governor under the directions of the Trusteeship Council.
9. Relations with Arab and Jewish States. Representatives of the Arab and Jewish States shall be accredited to the Governor of the City and charged with the protection of the interests of their States and nationals in connection with the international administration of thc City.
10. Official languages.
    Arabic and Hebrew shall be the official languages of the city. This will not preclude the adoption of one or more additional working languages, as may be required.
11. Citizenship.
    All the residents shall become ipso facto citizens of the City of Jerusalem unless they opt for citizenship of the State of which they have been citizens or, if Arabs or Jews, have filed notice of intention to become citizens of the Arab or Jewish State respectively, according to Part 1, section B, paragraph 9, of this Plan.
    The Trusteeship Council shall make arrangements for consular protection of the citizens of the City outside its territory.
12. Freedoms of citizens
    1. Subject only to the requirements of public order and morals, the inhabitants of the City shall be ensured the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of conscience, religion and worship, language, education, speech and press, assembly and association, and petition.
    2. No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants on the grounds of race, religion, language or sex.
    3. All persons within the City shall be entitled to equal protection of the laws.
    4. The family law and personal status of the various persons and communities and their religious interests, including endowments, shall be respected.
    5. Except as may be required for the maintenance of public order and good government, no measure shall be taken to obstruct or interfere with the enterprise of religious or charitable bodies of all faiths or to discriminate against any representative or member of these bodies on the ground of his religion or nationality.
    6. The City shall ensure adequate primary and secondary education for the Arab and Jewish communities respectively, in their own languages and in accordance with their cultural traditions.
       The right of each community to maintain its own schools for the education of its own members in its own language, while conforming to such educational requirements of a general nature as the City may impose, shall not be denied or impaired. Foreign educational establishments shall continue their activity on the basis of their existing rights.
    7. No restriction shall be imposed on the free use by any inhabitant of the City of any language in private intercourse, in commerce, in religion, in the Press or in publications of any kind, or at public meetings.
13. Holy Places
    1. Existing rights in respect of Holy Places and religious buildings or sites shall not be denied or impaired.
    2. Free access to the Holy Places and religious buildings or sites and the free exercise of worship shall be secured in conformity with existing rights and subject to the requirements of public order and decorum.
    3. Holy Places and religious buildings or sites shall be preserved. No act shall be permitted which may in any way impair their sacred character. If at any time it appears to the Governor that any particular Holy Place, religious building or site is in need of urgent repair, the Governor may call upon the community or communities concerned to carry out such repair. The Governor may carry it out himself at the expense of the community or communities concerned if no action is taken within a reasonable time.
    4. No taxation shall be levied in respect of any Holy Place, religious building or site which was exempt from taxation on the date of the creation of the City. No change in the incidence of such taxation shall be made which would either discriminate between the owners or occupiers of Holy Places, religious buildings or sites or would place such owners or occupiers in a position less favourable in relation to the general incidence of taxation than existed at the time of the adoption of the Assembly’s recommendations.
14. Special powers of the Governor in respect of the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites in the City and in any part of Palestine.
    1. The protection of the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites located in the City of Jerusalem shall be a special concern of the Governor.
    2. With relation to such places, buildings and sites in Palestine outside the city, the Governor shall determine, on the ground of powers granted to him by the Constitution of both States, whether the provisions of the Constitution of the Arab and Jewish States in Palestine dealing therewith and the religious rights appertaining thereto are being properly applied and respected.
    3. The Governor shall also be empowered to make decisions on the basis of existing rights in cases of disputes which may arise between the different religious communities or the rites of a religious community in respect of the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites in any part of Palestine.
       In this task he may be assisted by a consultative council of representatives of different denominations acting in an advisory capacity.

D. DURATION OF THE SPECIAL REGIME

The Statute elaborated by the Trusteeship Council the aforementioned principles shall come into force not later than 1 October 1948. It shall remain in force in the first instance for a period of ten years, unless the Trusteeship Council finds it necessary to undertake a re-examination of these provisions at an earlier date. After the expiration of this period the whole scheme shall be subject to examination by the Trusteeship Council in the light of experience acquired with its functioning. The residents the City shall be then free to express by means of a referendum their wishes as to possible modifications of regime of the City.

Part IV. Capitulations

States whose nationals have in the past enjoyed in Palestine the privileges and immunities of foreigners, including the benefits of consular jurisdiction and protection, as formerly enjoyed by capitulation or usage in the Ottoman Empire, are invited to renounce any right pertaining to them to the re-establishment of such privileges and immunities in the proposed Arab and Jewish States and the City of Jerusalem.
Adopted at the 128th plenary meeting:

In favour: 33

Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Byelorussian S.S.R., Canada, Costa Rica, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, France, Guatemala, Haiti, Iceland, Liberia, Luxemburg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Sweden, Ukrainian S.S.R., Union of South Africa, U.S.A., U.S.S.R., Uruguay, Venezuela.

Against: 13

Afghanistan, Cuba, Egypt, Greece, India, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, Yemen.

Abstained: 10

Argentina, Chile, China, Colombia, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Honduras, Mexico, United Kingdom, Yugoslavia.

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(1) See Official Records of the General Assembly, Second Session Supplement No. 11,Volumes l-lV.

* At its hundred and twenty-eighth plenary meeting on 29 November 1947 the General Assembly, in accordance with the terms of the above resolution, elected the following members of the United Nations Commission on Palestine: Bolivia, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Panama, and Philippines.

(2) This resolution was adopted without reference to a Committee.

(3) The following stipulation shall be added to the declaration concerning the Jewish State: “In the Jewish State adequate facilities shall be given to Arabic-speaking citizens for the use of their language, either orally or in writing, in the legislature, before the Courts and in the administration.”

(4) In the declaration concerning the Arab State, the words “by an Arab in the Jewish State” should be replaced by the words “by a Jew in the Arab State.”

(5) On the question of the internationalization of Jerusalem, see also General Assembly resolutions 185 (S-2) of 26 April 1948; 187 (S-2) of 6 May 1948, 303 (lV) of 9 December 1949, and resolutions of the Trusteeship Council (Section IV).

Tragedi Kemanusiaan Bumi Palestin

Penubuhan negara Israel diisytiharkan pada 14 Mei 1948 oleh Perdana Menteri pertama Israel, David Ben-Gurion, sehari sebelum tarikh pelan pengunduran British dari tanah jajahannya di bumi Palestin.

(Berdasarkan isu, realiti dan pilihan praktikal yang ada kini) sepatutnya  pemimpin tertinggi Palestin (pada ketika itu) membalasnya dengan satu pengisytiharan serupa penubuhan sebuah negara Palestin yang merdeka dan berdaulat atas wilayah yang telahpun diperincikan persempadanan dan pembahagiannya antara yahudi Israel dan arab Palestin, mengikut resolusi 181 Pelan Pembahagian (Partition Plan) PBB yang diluluskan dalam sidang PBB bertarih 29 November 1947.

Kesilapan besar pemimpin Arab Palestin, temasuk pula campurtangan negera-negara tetangga Arab yang lain, ialah menentang dan enggan akur kepada ketetapan berkerompromi PBB mewujudkan dua negara berasingan, melalui kaedah persempadanan untuk penubuhan satu negara majoriti bangsa yahudi dan satu lagi penubuhan negara majoriti bangsa arab, di bumi Palestin. Ini termasuk penubuhan wilayah antarabangsa yang ditadbir PBB di Baitulmaqdis.

Sebaliknya Mesir, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon dan Jordan telah bertindak menyerang bumi Palestin pada 15-16 Mei 1948, lalu membangkit dan menimpakan serantaian tragedi besar kemanusiaan terhadap rakyat Arab Palestin yang sampai hari inipun masih dinafikan hak negara sendiri.

Barangkali serangan itu boleh dijustifikasikan untuk tujuan menyelamatkan penduduk Arab di bumi Palestin yang sebelum serangan tersebut 300,000 Arab Palestin telahpun lari meninggalkan bumi Palestin sebagai pelarian perang kerana takut menerima nasib sama berikutan peristiwa pembunuhan beramai-ramai 250 orang Arab Palestin, termasuk lebih 100 wanita dan kanak-kanak, dalam serangan tanpa perikemanusiaan di perkampungan Deir Yasin pada 9 April 1948 oleh dua kumpulan militan Yahudi dari kaum Irgun di bawah ketua pemerintah Menachem Begin, dan dari kumpulan Stern Gang di bawah ketua pemerintah Yitzak Shamir.

Hari ini dianggarkan ada 4.7  juta pelarian Palestin di mana 3.4 juta daripadanya didaftarkan oleh UNRWA di penempatan kem-kem pelarian perang Arab-Israel terutamanya di Jordan dan Lubnan, termasuk di Syria dan Mesir. Antara mereka,  ada yang telah berpindah untuk menetap di Amerika Syarikat, Kanada dan Amerika Latin.

Konflik perang Arab-Israel tahun 1948 tersebut disusuli dengan perjanjian genjatan senjata Arab-Israel 1949 untuk membolehkan Mesir menguasai dan mentadbir Semenanjung Gaza. Sementara  Jordan bukan saja bertindak menguasai malah telah kemudiannya mengisytiharkan wilayah Tebing Barat dan Baitulmaqdis Timur sebagai sebahagian daripada wilayah negaranya.

Nampak seperti bukan niat serangan dan penaklukan itu antaranya untuk mengelak yahudi Israel daripada cuba turut menguasai dan merampas wilayah-wilayah penduduk majoriti arab di bumi Palestin untuk dijadikan sebahagian negara yahudi Israel. Jika tidak, masakan wilayah-wilayah tersebut tidak terus segera diserahkan kepada Arab Palestin untuk mengisytiharkan sebuah negara Arab Palestin yang merdeka dan berdaulat di atas wilayah tersebut tanpa boleh dipertikaikan mana-mana pihak  kerana ia sejajar dan sepertimana dikehendaki resolusi 181 PBB 1947.

Namun malang 19 tahun kemudiannya, meletus pula “perang enam hari” Israel-Arab 1967 yang menyaksikan pencabulan perjanjian gencatan senjata di pihak Israel dengan melakukan serangan mengejut ke atas Mesir, Jordan dan Syria tanpa provokasi untuk Israel merampas kembali Semenanjung Gaza dari Mesir, juga Tebing Barat dan Baitulmaqdis Timur dari Jordan, termasuk menawan Semenanjung Sinai dari Mesir dan Bukit Golan dari Syria.

Kejayaan perang 1967, termasuk perang 1973 untuk menangkis cubaan Mesir dan Syria untuk mendapatkan semula Semenanjung Sinai dan Bukit Golan telah kemudiannya mendorong Mesir  mengadakan beberapa siri perjanjian damai Mesir-Israel 1974, 1975 dan 1979, diikuti perjanjian damai Syria-Israel 1994, dan perjanjian damai Jordan-Israel di tahun yang sama.  Lubnan yang patuh kepada Perjanjian Perlucutan Senjata Arab-Israel 1949 itu tidak menyertai perang 1967 dan perang 1973 dengan Israel. Sejak itu Mesir dan Jordan masing-masing telah mengiktiraf dan mengadakan hubugan diplomatik dengan negara yahudi Israel.

Hilangnya cabaran dan terhentinya sokongan negara-negara jiran Israel ini terhadap perjuangan pembebasan Arab Palestin mendorong keberanian regim zionis Israel melakukan pencerobohan, pendudukan dan pembinaan penempatan haram ke atas wilayah yang asalnya diperuntukkan PBB untuk penubuhan negara Arab Palestin itu.

Regim zionis Israel mempertahankan tindakannya dengan berkeras bahawa Israel tidak melakukan pencerobohan atau pendudukan haram kerana tidak wujud negara Arab Palestin yang merdeka di bumi Palestin untuk dicabuli kedaulatan wilayahnya.

Israel memberi amaran untuk menentang habis-habisan apa jua cubaan untuk mewujudkan sebuah negara Arab Palestin, tanpa terlebih dahulu mengadakan rundingan dan perjanjian keselamatan dengan Israel selain syarat mengiktiraf kedaulatan negara yahudi Israel di bumi Palestin.

Sementara itu, bangsa Arab tidak meihat Empayar Uthmaniyah sebagai kerajaan Islam tapi penjajahan hampir 400 tahun bangsa Turki ke atas bangsa Arab dan tanah Arab.

Lalu, mereka mengadakan perjanjian dengan British melalui perjanjian secara perutusan surat-menyurat yang dikenali sebagai  Hussein-McMahon Correspondence pada tahun 1915 untuk membantu pemberontakan menjatuhkan kerajaan Uthmaniyah supaya tanah Arab dibebaskan dari cengkaman penjajahan Turki untuk bangsa Arab dapat memerintah tanah air mereka sendiri.

Empayar Kerajaan Uthmaniyah Turki

Malangnya bangsa Arab tidak tahu pakatan sulit British-Perancis yang mengadakan Perjanjian Sykes-Picot, 1916 untuk mengambil alih dan membahagikan sesama mereka kuasa penjajahan dari tangan bekas kuasa Empayar Uthmaniyah Turki yang mereka kalahkan dalam perang dunia pertama dengan bantuan pemberontakan bangsa Arab itu sendiri.

Bangsa Arab Palestin, Iraq, Mesir, Jordan, Lebanon dan Syria terutamanya akhirnya merasa seperti diperdayakan apabila British berhasrat menunaikan Deklarasi Balfour 1917 secara menyerahkan bumi Palestin kepada zionis utk menjadikan Palestin sebuah negara Yahudi di atas tanah Palestin yang menjadi ‘tanah suci’ Yahudi.

Mereka sedar, selain Palestin, wujudnya juga ‘tanah suci’ yahudi di wilayah-wilayah dalam negeri mereka yang menjadi tempat bersejarah nabi-nabi orang Yahudi untuk mereka merasa sangat terancam dengan kehadiran sebuah negara Yahudi di Palestin. Mereka khuatir zionis mahu memperluaskan negara Yahudi ini untuk meliputi wilayah-wilayah negeri mereka juga satu hari nanti.

Barangkali sebab itulah Iraq, Mesir, Syria, Lubnan dan Jordan merasa terpanggil untuk bertindak menyerang Israel bagi menggagalkan usaha penubuhan negara yahudi di tanah Palestin itu sebaik penubuhan negara Israel diisytiharkan.

Apapun, persoalan di sini apakah negara yahudi Israel itu dibentuk untuk bercirikan sebuah negara theokrasi yahudi atau sebuah negara demokrasi yang menjadi halaman kepada orang-orang yahudi?

Atau, nama Israel yang dipilih sebagai nama negara itu ada tersirat maksud untuk menjadikan Israel negara buat umat Bani Israel (keturunan Nabi Yaakob a.s.) yang sudah tentunya ada dari kalangan mereka itu yang beragama kristian dan islam, selain yahudi.

Apakah pula yang dimaksudkan dengan Arab Palestin? Apakah ia berdasarkan sebab mereka itu terdiri dari kalangan orang Islam dan orang Kristian berbangsa Arab yang bukan dari keturunan Israel (Nabi Yaakub a.s.) tetapi dari keturunan Nabi Ismail a,s. untuk mereka dibangsakan sebagai Arab?

Walhal, sama ada yang menghuni bumi Palestin itu adalah salasilah keturunan dari suku-suku yang boleh dikaitkan dengan Bani Israel atau Bani Ismail, kesemua mereka tetap dari Bani Ibrahim, tidak kira mereka itu yahudi, nasrani atau muslim.

Apapun, hakikatnya ialah orang-orang yahudi berkongsi Tuhan, para malaikat, para rasul, sejarah dan bumi anbia dengan orang-orang islam, kecuali yang berkaitan dengan Nabi Muhammad (saw) dan Nabi Isa (as), yang orang-orang yahudi tidak iktiraf kenabian dan kerasulan mereka berdua itu.

Begitu juga halnya orang-orang Kristian dengan orang-orang Islam, kecuali yang berkaitan dengan Nabi Muhammad (saw), yang orang-orang kristian tidak iktiraf kenabian dan kerasulan Baginda itu.

Sepatutnya ketiga-tiga umat di bumi Palestin dari umat Israel (Nabi Yaakob a.s.), umat Al-Masih (Nabi Isa a.s.) dan umat Nabi Muhammad (saw) yang agama masing-masing berasal dari agama Nabi Ibrahim (as), yang diangkat Allah sebagai pemimpin besar semua umat, harus dapat saling bersefahaman dan bermuafakat, untuk dapat berkongsi hidup dan berkongsi tanah bumi yang menjadi hak milik mutlak Allah jua itu secara beramanah dan berlaku adil dalam suasana mesra dan aman damai.

Tidak harus ada permusuhan, serangan dan kejadian berbunuhan dari kalangan mereka dan tidak juga harus ada sempadan pemisahan negara dari pembinaan tembok sempadan, biarpun atas alasan keselamatan, yang tidak sesuai dengan ketamadunan manusia selain mengaib dan mencolok mata itu.

Barangkali lebih sesuai jika wujud cuma satu negara tunggal Greater Palestine, bukan dua negara yahudi Israel dan arab Palestin di bumi Palestin, untuk kedua-dua puak arab Palestin dan yahudi Israel dapat membentuk sebuah negara demokratik secara perkongsian kuasa, yang boleh digilirkan jawatan Perdana Menteri antara kedua puak Bani Israel dan Arab.

Biar ia menjadi lambang dan pemangkin yang menjurus kepada persefahaman dan persatuan penganut agama Ibrahim sedunia demi memulihkan hubungan kurang mesra yang penuh prejudis antara Kristian-Yahudi, Islam-Yahudi dan Islam-Kristian supaya dapat dipertingkatkan hubungan baik antarabangsa bagi menjamin keamanan dan kesejahteraan global.

Apapun, biarlah nasib bumi Palestin ditentukan sendiri oleh umat arab Palestin (termasuk 3.4 juta pelarian perang Arab-Israel dalam daftar UNRWA) bersama umat bani israel Palestin, melalui satu pungutan suara yang dikendalikan PBB sama ada mereka mahukan dua negara berasingan (yahudi Israel dan arab Palestin) atau satu negara tunggal (Greater Palestine).

Jika hasil keputusan pungutan suara mahukan dua negara berasingan maka PBB perlu mengadakan sidang khas PBB meluluskan resolusi mengekal dan mengesahkan resolusi 181 PBB 29 November 1947 untuk memaksa Israel berundur dari semua wilayah haram yang didudukinya untuk diserahkan kepada arab Palestin untuk mengisytiharkan penubuhan negara arab Palestin yang merdeka dan berdaulat.

Sekiranya pula keputusan pungutan suara itu menghendaki sebaliknya, PBB perlu mengadakan sidang untuk meluluskan resolusi meleraikan kenegaraan Israel dan membentuk Jawatankuasa Khas untuk mengawal selia penubuhan negara baru Greater Palestin yang tunggal dan demokratik di bumi Palestin, selain menyelia satu Pilihanraya bebas yang pertama untuk negara baru tersebut bagi menubuhkan Kerajaan yang boleh diterima semua warganegara Greater Palestine untuk dihormati dan diiktiraf masyarakat antarabangsa.

History of Israeli–Palestinian Conflict

The  mutual defense treaty the Ottoman Empire made with Germany, saw the Ottoman Empire joined the Central Powers during World War I, and hence getting the Ottoman Empire embroiled in a conflict with Great Britain and France.

In 1915, the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence formed an agreement between United Kingdom and Arab leaders who declared that the Arabs would revolt in alliance with the United Kingdom, and in return the UK will recognize the Arab independence and grant sovereignty to Arab lands under Ottoman control.

Rise and Fall of Ottoman Empire

The Hussein-McMahon Correspondence, is a protracted exchange of letters (July 14, 1915 to January 30, 1916) during World War I, between the Sharif of Mecca, Husayn bin Ali, and Sir Henry McMahon, British High Commissioner in Egypt, concerning the future political status of the lands under the Ottoman Empire,

Apparently, the Arab side was already looking toward a large revolt against the Ottoman Empire and the British encouraged the Arabs to revolt and thus hamper the Ottoman Empire, which had become a German ally in the War after November 1914.

Both the Jewish and the Arab population in Palestine at that time also chose to support the alignment of the United Kingdom, France, and Russia during World War I hoping Palestine will be released from the control of the Ottoman Empire.

However, the Balfour Declaration in 1917 proposed  to “favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, but that nothing should be done to prejudice the civil and religious rights of the existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine.”

The Balfour Declaration of 1917 which supported the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine and protected the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities.

In 1917, the British succeeded in defeating the Ottoman Turkish forces and occupied the Palestine region. The land remained under British military administration for the remainder of the war.

Later, in 1917 Sykes–Picot Agreement between France and UK was exposed where the two countries were actually planning to split and occupy parts of the promised Arab country.

On January 3, 1919, future president of the World Zionist Organization Chaim Weizmann and the future King Faisal I of Iraq signed the Faisal-Weizmann Agreement for cooperation in the Middle East in which Faisal conditionally accepted the Balfour Declaration based on the fulfillment of British wartime promises of development of a Jewish homeland in Palestine.

Faisal’s agreement with Weizmann led the Palestinian Arab population to reject the Syrian-Arab-Nationalist movement led by Faisal (in which many previously placed their hopes) and instead to agitate for Palestine to become a separate state with an Arab majority.

In May 1939 the British government released a new policy paper which sought to implement a one-state solution in Palestine, significantly reduced the number of Jewish immigrants allowed to enter Palestine by establishing a quota for Jewish immigration which was set by the British government in the short-term and which would be set by the Arab leadership in the long-term.The quota also placed restrictions on the rights of Jews to buy land from Arabs, in an attempt to limit the socio-political damage.

These restrictions remained until the end of the mandate period, a period which occurred in parallel with World War II and the Holocaust, during which many Jewish refugees tried to escape from Europe.

As a result, during the 1930s and 1940s the leadership of the Yishuv arranged a couple of illegal immigration waves of Jews to the British Mandate of Palestine, which caused even more tensions in the region.

Haj Amin al-Husayni meeting with Adolf Hitler in December 1941

During the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine ties were made between the Arab leadership in Palestine and the Nazi movement in Germany.

These connections led to cooperation between the Palestinian national movement and the Axis powers later on during World War II.

In May 1941 Amin al-Husayni issued a fatwa for a holy war against Britain. In 1941 during a meeting with Adolf Hitler, Amin al-Husayni asked Germany to oppose, as part of the Arab struggle for independence, the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine.

He received a promise from Hitler that Germany would eliminate the existing Jewish foundations in Palestine after the Germans had gained victory in the war.

During the war Amin al-Husayni joined the Nazis, serving with the Waffen SS in Bosnia and Yugoslavia. In addition, during the war a joint Palestinian-Nazi military operation was held in the region of Palestine.

These factors caused deterioration in the relations between the Palestinian leadership and the British, which turned to collaborate with the Yeshuv during the period known as the 200 days of dread.

The newly formed United Nations subsequently recommended that Mandatory Palestine be split into three parts—a Jewish State with a majority Jewish population, an Arab State with a majority Arab population, and an International Zone comprising Jerusalem and the surrounding area where the Jewish and Arab populations would be roughly equal.

Resolution 181 decided the size of land allotted to each party.

The Jewish State was supposed to be roughly 5,700 square miles (15,000 km²) in size and was supposed to contain a sizable Arab minority population.

The Arab state was supposed to comprise roughly 4,300 square miles (11,000 km²) and would contain a tiny Jewish population. Neither state would be contiguous.

Jerusalem and Bethlehem were to be put under the control of the United Nations.

Neither side was satisfied with the Partition Plan.

The Jews disliked losing Jerusalem—which had a majority Jewish population at that time—and worried about the tenability of an uncontiguous state.

However, most of the Jews in Palestine accepted the plan, and the Jewish Agency (the de facto government of the Yishuv) campaigned fervently for its approval.

The more extreme Jewish groups, such as the Irgun, rejected the plan.

The Arab leadership argued that it violated the rights of the majority of the people in Palestine, which at the time was 67% non-Jewish (1,237,000) and 33% Jewish (608,000).

Arab leaders also argued a large number of Arabs would be trapped in the Jewish State. Every major Arab leader objected in principle to the right of the Jews to an independent state in Palestine, reflecting the policies of the Arab League.

The UN General Assembly voted on the Partition Plan on November 29, 1947. 33 states voted in favor of the Plan, while 13 countries opposed it. 10 countries abstained from the vote.

In favour: 33

Australia, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Byelorussian S.S.R., Canada, Costa Rica, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, France, Guatemala, Haiti, Iceland, Liberia, Luxemburg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Sweden, Ukrainian S.S.R., Union of South Africa, U.S.A., U.S.S.R., Uruguay, Venezuela.

Against: 13

Afghanistan, Cuba, Egypt, Greece, India, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, Yemen.

Abstained: 10

Argentina, Chile, China, Colombia, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Honduras, Mexico, United Kingdom, Yugoslavia.

The Yishuv accepted the plan, but the Arabs in Palestine and the surrounding Arab states rejected the plan.

The Arab countries (all of which had opposed the plan) proposed to query the International Court of Justice on the competence of the General Assembly to partition a country against the wishes of the majority of its inhabitants, but were again defeated.

The division was to take effect on the date of British withdrawal from the territory on May 15, 1948.

David Ben-Gurion publicly pronouncing the Declaration of the State of Israel, May 14, 1948

On March 10, 1948, the Jewish defense force Haganah issued “Plan D (“Dalet”) claiming it was a vision for defending the newly emerging state of Israel. Palestinians saw it differently: as a set of concrete steps by Zionists to subject Palestine to an ethnic cleansing of Arabs.

On April 9, 1948, the Irgun, one of whose commanders is Menachem Begin, and the Stern Gang, commanded by Yitzak Shamir, stormed the Arab village of Deir Yasin. Two hundred and fifty people, over one hundred of whom were women and children, were massacred. The event struck terror among the Arabs, causing 300,000 Arabs fled Palestine.

On May 14, 1948, one day before the British Mandate expired, and before the bulk of the remaining British troops departed from Palestine, the first Prime Minister of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, self-declared the formation of the state of Israel on Palestine land, though without specifying borders.

The next day, the Arab League reiterated officially their opposition to the “two-state solution” in a letter to the UN. Whilst on 15–16 May, the four armies of Jordan, Syria, Egypt and Iraq  invaded the newly self-declared state followed not long after by units from Lebanon.

Prior to and during this conflict, a large exodus of 713,000 Palestinian Arabs fled their original lands to become Palestinian refugees, in part, due to an alleged promise from Arab leaders that they would be able to return when the war had been won. Whilst Arab commanders ordered villagers to evacuate for military purposes in isolated areas, there is no evidence that the Arab leadership made a blanket call for evacuation and in fact most urged Palestinians to stay in their homes.

Nevertheless, assaults by the Haganah on major Arab population centers like Jaffa and Haifa as well as expulsions carried out by groups like the Irgun and Lehi such as at Deir Yassin and Lydda that are now the present-day Israel led to the exodus of large portions of the Arab masses out of Palestine.

Factors such as the earlier flight by the Palestinian elite and the psychological effects of Jewish atrocities (stories which both sides propagated) also played important roles in the Palestinian flight.

The war resulted in an Israeli victory, with Israel annexing territory beyond the partition borders for a proposed Jewish state and into the borders for a proposed Palestinian Arab state.

The remaining territories, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, were occupied by Egypt and Transjordan, respectively.

Jordan also annexed East Jerusalem while Israel administered West Jerusalem. In 1950, The West Bank was unilaterally incorporated into Jordan.

The War came to an end with Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Egypt signed the 1949 Armistice Agreements with Israel.

Over 700,000 Jews emigrated to Israel between 1948 and 1952, with approximately 285,000 of them from Arab countries. By the late 1960s, more than 850,000 Jews had left their birthplaces and their homes in some 10 Arab countries that these immigrant Jews and their descendants represent 41% of the total population of Israel today.

Then again the defeat of the Arab countries in the Six-Day War with Israel in 1967 prompted fractured Palestinian political and militant groups to give up any remaining hope they had placed in pan-Arabism.

Palestine, unlike Israel, had not exercised its rights to self-declare formation of the state of Palestine to become a sovereign state by the date of British withdrawal from the territory on May 15, 1948, pursuant to UN General Assembly Resolution 181 on Partition Plan 1947, to co-exist with the state of Israel on Palestine soil.

This gave the Israelis subsequent support for their argument that they did not occupy sovereign territories of Palestine for the sovereign state of Palestine has not existed. And therefore did not break the Fourth Accord of the Geneva Conventions and international law.

Now Palestinian Arabs are prevented from going back to that 1947 UN Partition Plan resolution to unilaterally declare the establishment of the separate Arab state of Palestine and apply for full UN membership, exactly the step Israel took 64 years ago in 1948 upon British colonial leaving the Palestine’s soil.

UN now insists that the 1949 Armistice (Green Line) territories comprising Gaza Strip, West Bank and East Jerusalem are presently not under Arab Palestine’s but Jewish Israel’s control, to satisfy basic requirements for unilateral declaration of an independent Arab state of Palestine on those territories.

Jordan annexed West Bank and East Jerusalem and Egypt annexed Gaza Strip after Arab-Israeli war of 1948 and both held them for 19 years until 1967 before re-captured by Israeli who initiated a surprised attack that saw Israel annexed Sinai Peninsula from Egypt and Golan Height from Syria as well.

Indeed that 19-year period between 1948 and 1967 had provided ample opportunity for both Egypt to release Gaza strip, while Jordan released West Bank and East Jerusalem, to be under Arab Palestine’s absolute control to enable Arab Palestinian declare undisputed formation of independent state of Arab Palestine as early as 1948. But it never happened.

While Egypt had since signed Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty in 1979 for the return of Sinai Peninsula and for Egypt to recognize and having full diplomatic relations with Israel, which was followed by Jordan who signed Israel-Jordan Treaty of Peace in 1994 to accord full recognition of Israel and engaging on full diplomatic relations with Israel.

Meanwhile, acceptance of Arab Palestine’s full state membership in UNESCO on October 31, 2011 was met with this Israeli’s cynical remark:  “We regret that the organization of science has opted to adopt a resolution which is a resolution of science fiction,” said Nimrod Barkan, Israel’s ambassador to UNESCO, who called the move a tragedy for the agency. “There is no Palestinian state and therefore one should not have been admitted today.”

If Arab Palestine is prevented from unilateral declaration for establishment a new and separate sovereign state of Palestine on Palestine’s soil for having no control over Gaza Strip and West Bank now annexed to Israel. And that Arab Palestine will not be recognized a sovereign state to be accepted as full member of UN to force the Zionist regime of Israel to withdraw from the occupied sovereign territories of Arab Palestine, the right Arab Palestine had been accorded by the world’s body itself under resolution 181 partition plan of 1947 in the first place, then what UN expects Arab Palestinians to do?

God helps them..

Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy

Di atas robohan kota Melaka Kita bangunkan jiwa merdeka Bersatulah Melayu seluruh baka Membela hak keadilan pusaka (Kota Melaka, 1946)

Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy, atau nama penuhnya, Burhanuddin bin Haji Muhammad Nor,  lahir di Changkat Tualang, Perak pada 29 Ogos 1911, adalah seorang doktor perubatan homeopati yang alim dalam bidang agama Islam. Beliau menguasai nahu saraf dan sastera Arab untuk mampu mentafsir al-Quran dan Hadis dengan baik.  Selain boleh bertutur dan menulis dalam bahasa Urdu, Belanda, Inggeris, Perancis dan Jerman.

Dr Burhanuddin adalah Yang Dipertua Agung Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) yang ketiga selepas Tuan Haji Ahmad Fuad Hassan dan Dr Abbas Alias. Dr Burhanuddin mengambil alih pucuk pimpinan PAS  pada tahun 1956 hingga kematiannya pada tahun 1969.

Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy telah berjaya menewaskan pencabarnya, iaitu Prof Zulkifli Muhammad dalam pemilihan jawatan tertinggi PAS dalam Muktamar ke-5 itu. Pertandingan bagi jawatan tertinggi parti di antara kedua tokoh besar ini menunjukkan kematangan ahli-ahli serta amalan dan suasana demokrasi dalam PAS sejak awal-awal penubuhannya lagi.

Muktamar kemudiannya dengan sebulat suara memilih Prof Zulkifli Muhammad menjadi Timbalan Yang Dipertua Agung PAS. Gabungan mereka berdua inilah yang terus memantapkan PAS.

Di bawah kepimpinan Dr Burhanuddin, PAS mempunyai orientasi menyokong kesatuan sekerja dan anti-kolonial. Beliau digambarkan sebagai seorang “nasionalis radikal dan pemikir Islam”.

Kepemimpinan Dr. Burhanuddin dalam PAS  membawa kejayaan besar kepada beliau dan PAS dalam PRU 1959 apabila beliau menang kerusi Parlimen Besut  untuk menyertai 13 lagi wakil rakyat PAS ke Parlimen. PAS menguasai 13 daripada 24 kerusi DUN Terengganu dan  di DUN Kelantan PAS menguasai 28 daripada 30 kerusi  untuk meletakkan Mohd Daud Abdul Samad menjadi Menteri Besar di Terengganu dan Ustaz Ishak Lotfi Omar, Menteri Besar di Kelantan.

Namun, malang bagi PAS, kerajaan pimpinan PAS di Terengganu telah dijatuhkan pada Oktober 1961 lantaran permainan politik kotor Perikatan di luar Pilihanraya.

Dr Burhanuddin al-Helmy tercicir dari PRU 1964 setelah SPR mengisytiharkan Dr. Burhanuddin hilang kelayakan bertanding kerana telah didenda sebanyak $25,360 oleh sebuah mahkamah atas satu kesalahan teknikal dalam sebuah syarikat perniagaan.

Malang bagi PAS dan Dr Burhanuddin pada 6hb Mei 1964 apabila  Timbalan beliau, Prof Dato’ Dr Zulkifli Muhammad (Ahli Parlimen Bachok 1969-1964), meninggal dunia dalam satu kemalangan ngeri di Kuantan bersama isteri, Ustazah Asiah Kamaruddin yang juga Naib Ketua Muslimat PAS Pusat ketika dalam perjalanan berkereta pulang ke Perak dari Kelantan.

Setahun selepas itu Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy pula ditangkap dan ditahan di bawah Akta Keselamatan Dalam Negeri (ISA) selama satu tahun atas tuduhan berkomplot untuk menggulingkan kerajaan Malaysia dan memasang sebuah kerajaan pengganti yang lebih ramah kepada Indonesia. Beliau ditahan pada 28 Januari 1965 dengan sokongan oleh Tun Dr. Ismail. Alasan yang digunakan adalah kerana Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy ini mengkhianati dan menderhaka kepada negara. Dengan demikian beliau tidak perlu dibicarakan.

Dr. Burhanuddin Al-Helmy dibebaskan dari tahanan pada bulan Mac 1966 tetapi dikenakan syarat sekatan kawasan dan tidak dibenarkan berpolitik, sehinggalah Dr. Burhanuddin meninggal dunia pada tanggal 10 Oktober 1969 akibat penyakit lelahnya yang mula menjadi tenat dan tidak terkawal sejak semasa dalam tahanan ISA.

Minat mendalam perjuangan politik Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy bermula ketika beliau menuntut di Madrasah al-Masyhur al-Islamiyyah, Pulau Pinang.   Mudir madrasah  Sheikh Abu Bakar al-Rafie, selain Haji Arshad al-Bawayih, guru  tatabahasa bahasa Arab adalah dari golongan ‘Kaum Muda’, dan Ashiran Yaakob, yang juga merupakan seorang penulis yang memperjuangkan nasib politik, ekonomi dan sosial orang Melayu, dikatakan banyak mempengaruhi minda pemikiran politik awal Dr Burhanuddin. Aliran pemikiran baru inlah yang telah menyalakan semangat anti-penjajah dan pro-kemerdekaan dalam diri beliau.

Sebelum itu, semasa belajar di Jambu, Sumatera Barat (1924-1926), Burhanuddin al-Helmy yang berada di bawah asuhan Haji Nuruddin, anggota Sarekat Islam Indonesia, termasuk para pendidik lain di situ, adalah juga kebetulannya terdiri dari kalangan aliran ‘Kaum Muda’ belaka.

Selepas tamat pengajian di Madrasah al-Masyhur al-Islamiyyah, Pulau Pinang, Burhanuddin al-Helmy kemudiannya telah mendapat biasiswa dari seorang hartawan India muslim dari Pulau Pinang untuk melanjutkan pelajarannya di Universiti Aligarh, India. Di universiti ini Burhanuddin Al-Helmy mengikuti pengajian Ijazah di bidang sastera dan falsafah, sehingga ke peringkat dianugerahkan Ijazah PhD.

Di India, beliau telah terdedah dengan ajaran tasawuf  Naqsyabandiah, selain didedahkan dengan perjuangan Mahatma Gandhi menuntut pembebasan India daripada penjajahan British. Beliau dikatakan menghadiri rapat umum dan ceramah-ceramah Mahatma Gandhi serta mengikuti pendapat Mahatma Gandhi yang menuntut kebebasan politik bagi India dan tidak menggalakkan kekerasan dan permusuhan dalam kalangan orang India.

Semasa di India, beliau sempat juga bertemu dan berkenalan dengan Mohd Ali Jinnah dan Pandit Nehru dan para pemimpin kemerdekaan India yang lain.

Setelah tamat pengajiannya di India beliau telah mengembara ke Palestin dan Turki sebelum ke Singapura untuk bertugas sebagai guru bahasa Arab di Sekolah Arab Al-Juned Singapura.

Ketika di Singapura, Dr Burhanuddin al-Helmy belajar pula ilmu perubatan homeopati daripada Dr. Rajah sehingga beliau berjaya mendapat ijazah daripada Ismailiyah Medical College, Hyderabad, India. Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy turut di anugerahkan ijazah Doctor of Naturopathy dari School of Naturopathy, London dan Doctor of Divinity daripada International Academy Canada, secara ijazah luar kampus.

Dengan kelayakan ini, Burhanuddin al-Helmy telah membuka sebuah klinik di Johor Bahru dan sebuah lagi klinik di Jalan Picitan, Singapura.

Dr Burhanuddin mula berjinak-jinak dengan gerakan politik tanah air apabila beliau menyertai Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM) pimpinan Ibrahim Yaakob.

Di zaman pendududukan Jepun, Bersama-sama dengan Ibrahim Haji Yaakob, Onan Siraj dan beberapa orang pemimpin Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM) yang lain, Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy telah menubuhkan pula Kesatuan Rakyat Indonesia Semenanjung (KRIS) pada Julai 1945.

Penubuhan KRIS digalakkan oleh pihak Jepun. Jepun sebenarnya telah menjanjikan kemerdekaan kepada Indonesia. Justeru itu beberapa siri rundingan telah diadakan antara pihak Jepun dengan Soekarno. Lalu kesempatan ini mahu diraih Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmi dan Ibrahim Yaakob yang mahu bawa Tanah Melayu merdeka bersama Indonesia melalui gagasan Indonesia Raya apabila Jepun berundur nanti.

Atas matlamat inilah satu perundingan dan perbincangan telah diadakan antara Ibrahim Yaakob dengan Soekarno dan Hatta di Taiping pada 12 dan 13 Ogos 1945. Soekarno dan Hatta pada ketika itu dalam perjalanan pulang dari Saigon setelah bertemu Field Marshall Terauchi, Pemerintah Tertinggi Tentera Jepun bagi Asia Tenggara.

Usaha-usaha mencapai kemerdekaan dalam konsep Indonesia Raya ini telah dijalankan dengan digerakkan oleh Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy. Satu mesyuarat telah diadakan di Kuala Lumpur pada 15 dan 16 Ogos 1945 bagi merancang beberapa langkah yang patut dibuat bagi menentang kemasukan semula British ke Tanah Melayu. Mesyuarat juga telah memutuskan sebuah kabinet dibentuk bagi negara merdeka tersebut dengan nama Malaya Demokratik Rakyat, di mana dalam kabinet ini Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy juga dilantik sebagai anggota kabinet.

Mesyuarat juga membincangkan cara-cara bagi mengelak penguasaan Malayan People Anti Japanese Army (MPAJA) selepas pengunduran Jepun. Pada 17 Ogos 1945, atas arahan Ibrahim Yaakob, satu perjumpaan dengan wakil-wakil pemuda KRIS telah diadakan di Kampung Baru, Kuala Lumpur. Perjumpaan ini turut dihadiri Itagaki dan dua orang kawannya. Pihak Jepun telah memberitahu rancangan untuk merdeka dalam Indonesia Raya tidak dapat dilaksanakan kerana penyerahan diri Jepun secara mendadak pada 15 Ogos 1945. Dengan itu usaha untuk mendapatkan kemerdekaan Tanah Melayu juga gagal. Kegagalan ini sedikit menghampakan Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy.

Selepas Perang Dunia II dan selepas penjajah Inggeris kembali berkuasa, Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy, bersama Mokhtarudin Lasso, Ishak Haji Muhammad dan Ahmad Boestamam telah menubuhkan pula Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). Parti yang dipengerusikan Dr Burhanuddin al-Helmy ini menuntut kemerdekaan penuh bagi Tanah Melayu dan menentang sebarang bentuk penjajahan Inggeris, selain hasrat membawa PKMM ke arah mewujudkan Melayu Raya iaitu satu gagasan “kesatuan politik” Malaya-Indonesia yang merupakan salah satu agenda perjuangan utama Dr Burhanuddin.

Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy turut menjadi perancang utama untuk penubuhan Angkatan Pemuda Insaf (API) yang dipimpin Ahmad Boestamam dan Angkatan Wanita Sedar (AWAS) yang dipimpin Shamsiah Fakeh. Beliau turut terlibat dalam penubuhan Parti Islam Hisbul Muslimin yang dipimpin Ustaz Abu Bakar Al-Baqir.

Dr Burhanuddin al-Helmy adalah seorang pemimpin berpengaruh yang jujur, mudah didampingi, berfikiran terbuka, senang diajak berbincang  dan mudah bertolak ansur asalkan kena pada tempatnya, kerana pada sisi lain beliau adalah seorang yang tegas dan amat teguh pendiriannya.

Dalam peristiwa penggubalan Perlembagaan Rakyat, soal kerakyatan di mana All Malayan Council of Joint Action (AMCJA) mahukan kerakyatan berdasarkan tempat lahir atau jus soli sedangkan Pusat Tenaga Rakyat (PUTERA) keberatan menerima kerakyatan cara ini. Perbalahan juga berlaku dalam soal nama kerakyatan, AMCJA mahukan kerakyatan yang bernama “Malayan” sedangkan PUTERA yang dipimpin Ishak Haji Muhammad (Pak Sako) dan Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy yang menjuarai dan mempengerusikan PUTERA-AMCJA mahukan kerakyatan yang bernama “Melayu”.

Dalam hal ini Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmy tetap dengan pendiriannya sehingga memaksa Ahmad Boestamam menggunakan kebijaksanaannya menyelesaikan masalah ini bagi menjayakan Perlembagaan Rakyat.

Apapun, segala yang telah cuba diusahakan oleh Dr Burhanuddin bersama rakan-rakan pejuang politiknya yang lain seperti Ibrahim Yaakob,  Ishak Haji Muhammad (Pak Sako), Ahmad Boestamam, Shamsiah Fakeh dan Ustaz Abu Bakar Al-Baqir akhirnya dipatahkan dari tindakan keras pentadbiran British di Malaya yang mengisytiharkan undang-undang darurat 1948 yang menyaksikan bukan saja Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM), tetapi semua pertubuhan kiri yang menentang penjajahan British termasuk Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM),  Parti Hisbul Muslimin, Angkatan Pemuda Insaf (API), Angkatan Wanita Sedar (AWAS), PUTERA-AMCJA dan Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM) diharamkan. Semua pemimpin, pengikut dan simpatisan pertubuhan diburu dan ditangkap.

Hampir 34,000 kesemuanya rakyat Tanah Melayu daripada golongan yang simpati dengan gerakan anti-kolonial telah menjadi tahanan politik tanpa bicara antara 1948-57 dari gerakan besar-besaran oleh pentadbir penjajah Inggeris untuk melumpuhkan samasekali tentangan anak negeri terhadap penjajahan Inggeris . Mereka termasuklah Ahmad Boestamam, Ishak Haji Muhammad dan Ustaz Abu Bakar al-Baqir.

Ada yang lari ke Indonesia seperti Ibrahim Yaakob dan ada yang lari masuk hutan untuk mengelak tangkapan tapi diburu terus oleh pasukan tentera bersenjata untuk dihapuskan.

Antara yang sempat lari masuk ke hutan termasuk Shamsiah Fakeh pemimpin Angkatan Wanita Sedar (AWAS) dan Mat Indera, pemimpin Angkatan Pemuda Insaf (API) di Johor  yang kemudiannya bergabung dengan pasukan militan melayu dari Regimen ke-10 Tentera Pembebasan Malaya yang berpangkalan di Lubok Kawah, Temerloh, Pahang  untuk menyertai Rashid Maidin dan Musa Ahmad, dua pemimpin kanan Parti Komunis Malaya, yang  turut sempat lari ke dalam hutan.

Walaupun Dr. Burhanuddin al-Helmi tinggal di Singapura ketika itu, beliau turut di tahan antara tahun 1950 hingga tahun 1952 di penjara Singapura atas tuduhan terlibat dalam demonstrasi menentang keputusan Mahkamah Tinggi Singapura yang membenarkan Natrah (Maria Hertogh) dipulangkan kepada keluarga asalnya di Belanda. Ini hanyalah dijadikan alasan pihak penjajah Inggeris yang tidak senang dengan saranan terbuka Dr Burhanuddin supaya Rakyat tidak menentang usaha Tentera Pembebasan Malaya mengusir penjajah Inggeris keluar dari Tanah Melayu.

Sementara itu. PAS (nama asalnya, Parti Islam SeTanah Melayu), pimpinan Tuan Haji Ahmad Fuad Hassan , Parti Rakyat Malaya, pimpinan Ahmad Boestamam, dan Parti Buroh Malaya, yang pada awalnya dipengerusikan oleh Lee Moke Sang , kemudiannya DS Ramanathan, sebelum dipimpin Ishak Haji Muhammad  adalah antara parti politik pembangkang terawal yang ditubuhkan kemudiannya untuk menyertai Pilihanraya 1959 selepas Malaya mencapai kemerdekaan.

Penyertaan Dr Burhanuddin dalam PAS telah diusahakan oleh sekumpulan angkatan  muda PAS yang antaranya terdiri daripada Ustaz Othman Abdullah, Ustaz Hasan Adli, Ustaz Abdul Wahab Noor dan Mohd Asri Muda setelah mengadakan mesyuarat tidak rasmi berhubung dengan jawatan utama PAS.

Mereka bersepakat bahawa tidak ada orang yang lebih tepat memimpin PAS pada masa itu selain daripada Dr. Burhanuddin Al-Helmy sendiri. Ketika itu, Dr. Burhanuddin Al-Helmy hanya bergiat cergas mempromosi Parti Rakyat Malaya di seluruh Tanah Melayu. Ini bermakna, Dr. Burhanuddin Al-Helmy tidak ada sebarang jawatan dalam mana-mana parti politik ketika itu.

Pada bulan Disember 1956 satu perwakilan yang terdiri daripada Ustaz Abdul Wahab Noor dan Ustaz Baharuddin Latiff telah diutus bertemu Dr. Burhanuddin Al-Helmy. Terdapat juga catatan yang menyatakan bahawa tugas ini dilaksanakan oleh Pesuruhjaya PAS Johor, Hj Said Abdul Hadi yang diamanahkan oleh Ustaz Hasan Adli untuk mendapatkan persetujuan bertulis daripada Dr. Burhanuddin Al-Helmy dan meminta beliau mengisi borang keahlian PAS.

Dr Burhanuddin menerima pelawaan ini dengan hati terbuka. Apatah lagi dikatakan telah wujud satu persefahaman dan kesepakatan di kalangan ketiga-tiga mereka untuk Ahmad Boestamam menerajui Parti Rakyat Malaya, Ishak Haji Muhammad (Pak Sako) menerajui Parti Buruh dan Dr Burhanuddin  menerajui PAS.  Ini bagi membolehkan penyatuan rakyat dari tiga sisi berbeza dan memudahkan kerjasama dari kalangan parti berbeza sebagai strategi untuk menang Pilihanraya.

Sementara itu, ketegasan Dr Burhanuddin al-Helmy dan Ahmad Boestamam  untuk tidak menyokong penubuhan Persekutuan Malaysia pada tahun 1963 kerana keghairahan masing-masing yang tidak pernah putus asa mahu menjayakan rancangan alternatif gagasan Melayu Raya yang lebih besar melalui peluang baru penubuhan Persekutuan Maphilindo selepas merdeka telah membawa padah kepada kedua-dua mereka.

Negara kemudiannya menyaksikan dua pemimpin tertinggi parti  PAS dan Parti Rakyat Malaya yang berpengaruh dtangkap dan ditahan di bawah undang-undang ISA (Internal Security Act)  atas tuduhan terlibat dalam aktiviti subversif yang membahayakan keselamatan dan kedaulatan negara.

Dr Burhanuddin dituduh berkomplot untuk menggulingkan kerajaan Malaysia dan memasang sebuah kerajaan pengganti yang lebih ramah kepada Indonesia. Manakala Ahmad Boestamam dituduh terlibat dalam menyokong usaha Indonesia menentang penubuhan Malaysia selain dituduh terlibat dalam peristiwa kebangkitan rakyat Brunei anjuran Parti Rakyat Brunei pimpinan Azhari pada tahun 1962 yang menuntut kemerdekaan Kalimantan Utara meliputi wilayah Sabah, Sarawak dan Brunei dari British.

Walhal, rancangan penubuhan Persekutuan Maphilindo bagi menggantikan rancangan penubuhan Persekutuan Malaysia  ini pada pada awalnya dipersetujui sendiri oleh Perdana Menteri Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman bersama Presiden Republik Filipina, Macapagal dan Presiden Republik Indonesia, Soekarno dalam satu Sidang Kemuncak di Manila menjelang pengisytiharan penubuhan Persekutuan Malaysia oleh Tunku Abdul Rahman pada 16 September 1963 .

Namun Tunku terpaksa tunduk kepada tekanan dan telunjuk British dan Amerika Syarikat yang tidak mesra dengan Soekarno dan Indonesia biarpun Malaya pada waktu itu telah pun merdeka dari penjajahan Inggeris.

Walaubagaimanapun, tidak pula dinyatakan sebab kenapa dipandang sepi cadangan alternatif yang lain oleh Presiden Macapagal supaya Filipina saja menyertai Malaysia dulu di bawah gagasan Federation of Greater Malaysia, tanpa Indonesia, untuk membolehkan Indonesia menyelesaikan masalahnya terlebih dulu dengan Britain dan Amerika Syarikat, demi menjayakan usaha penyatuan negara-negara Melayu seluruh Nusantara yang dipecahkan-belahkan oleh penjajah Inggeris, Sepanyol dan Belanda.

Shamsiah Fakeh

Shamsiah Fakeh (1924 – October 20, 2008) was a Malaysian nationalist and feminist. She was the leader of Angkatan Wanita Sedar (AWAS), Malaysia’s first nationalist women organization and a prominent Malay leader of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM).

Shamsiah was born in the village of Kampung Gemuruh near the town of Kuala Pilah, Negeri Sembilan. She had her early education in the Madrasah Aliah Islaiah (also known as the Islamic High School) in Pelangai, Negeri Sembilan and was later sent to the Madrasah Tuddimiah in Padang Panjang, Sumatera in what was then the Dutch East Indies . It was during this time that she came under the influence of Lebai Maadah, an influential scholar and Islamic reformer .

Shamsiah was married five times from the age of 17. Her first husband, Yasin Kina, abandoned her while she was pregnant with their second child and both children died in their infancy. Her second husband, J. M. Rusdi, was eventually discovered to be an informer for the Japanese forces then occupying Malaya.

She was also briefly married to Ahmad Boestamam, the leader of PKMM’s youth wing, Angkatan Pemuda Insaf (English: Awakened Youth Organization; API). In her memoirs, she claimed that her marriage with Boestamam broke down due to her disagreement with the latter’s decision to pay a fine to avoid a jail sentence for publishing a book deemed seditious by government in 1947. Notably the marriage was never mentioned in any of Boestamam’s memoirs and writings.

Her fourth husband, Wahi Anuwar, was a fellow CPM member who was captured by British and imprisoned. Shamsiah was told that he had surrendered and thought he was dead. He was, in fact, imprisoned for 15 years and eventually died in 1980.

Her final marriage was to another CPM member, Ibrahim Mohamad, in 1956. They remained married until his death in 2006.

As a fiery orator, Shamsiah was scouted by both the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and the Malay Nationalist Party (Malay: Partai Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya, PKMM), the main Malay political parties in the post-war period. She eventually chose to join PKMM because she believed it was more dedicated to the struggle for Malaya’s independence whereas she considered UMNO a puppet of the British . In 1946, she was asked to lead PKMM’s women’s wing, Angkatan Wanita Sedar (English: Cohort of Awakened Women; AWAS).

With the banning of the PKMM, API and AWAS in 1948 prior to the declaration of the Malayan Emergency followed by the mass arrests of left leaning Malay nationalists, Shamsiah retreated to the jungles and joined the predominantly Malay 10th Regiment of the Malayan People’s Liberation Army of the CPM operating from Lubok Kawah near Temerloh, Pahang. When the 10th Regiment was forced to retreat together with the 11th and 12th Regiment to the Thai-Malaya border in 1953 after a series of military defeats beginning with the Battle of Padang Piul in 1949, Shamsiah joined the retreat and continued to fight as a guerilla until she was sent to the China for further education together with her husband, Ibrahim Mohamad, in 1956 .

The couple remained in China and served as broadcasters with Radio Peking’s Malay language service airing propaganda broadcasts via shortwave to Malaya. In 1965, they were assigned by the party to Indonesia to set up a legation office of the Malayan National Liberation League. Their stint was, however, short lived as they were arrested later that year due to the anti-communist purges in Indonesia in the aftermath of the 30 September Movement. They remained imprisoned until 1967 when they obtained their freedom through the mediation of the embassy of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and obtained passage via Vietnam back to China.

As a result of faction politics within the CPM and the chaos that resulted from the Cultural Revolution in China during the period, Shamsiah and her husband became increasingly estranged from the party’s Secretary General, Chin Peng. Both Shamsiah and her husband were expelled from the party in 1972.

As they were unable to return to Malaysia (established in 1963 with the federation of Malaya, Singapore, British North Borneo, and Sarawak), they settled in the town of Xiangtan, Hunan and were assigned to work in a steel factory. She also served as a Malay language consultant with Radio Beijing and the Beijing Foreign Languages Institute.

Shamsiah and her family applied to the Malaysian government for permission to return to the country from 1985 onwards. Following the terms of the 1989 peace agreement signed between the CPM and the Government of Malaysia in Haadyai, Thailand, permission was finally granted on July 23 1994 and Shamsiah returned along with her husband, their three sons and their four grandchildren.

Upon their arrival, the family was met by Special Branch officers who took them to a resort and for about 10 days, they were debriefed and briefed on the local customs and political scenario in Malaysia. One of the conditions for the family’s return was a bar on participation in politics and for the first few years upon their return, Shamsiah was not even allowed to participate in academic speaking engagements. Her Chinese daughter-in-laws were initially barred entry into the country but were eventually granted permanent residency.

Her memoirs were first published in 2004 by Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) but was immediately suppressed by the authorities and withdrawn from circulation. A new edition as well as a Chinese language translation was published in 2007 by the Strategic Information and Research Development Centre (SIRD) which saw UKM reintroduce their edition into the market.

Following a stroke in 1999, Shamsiah had generally been in poor health and was bedridden by 2007. She died on October 20, 2008 at the residence of her son, Jamaluddin Ibrahim, due to respiratory failure and was buried at the Sungai Besi Muslim cemetery at 5.30pm of the same day.

Present at the funeral were some prominent politicians including the deputy president of Parti Keadilan Rakyat, Syed Husin Ali, and Democratic Action Party Member of Parliament, Tony Pua.

As a prominent Malay leader in the ranks of the CPM, Shamsiah was frequently demonised by the Malaysian press. In 1981, the defected chairman of the CPM, Musa Ahmad, claimed that Shamsiah had committed infanticide by killing her third child while in the jungle to avoid capture.

She subsequently denied the allegation in her memoirs and explained that she was convinced by fellow guerillas to give the child away to local villagers to be raised upon entering an unfamiliar district. It was only later that she discovered that the child had in fact been killed.

Ahmad Boestamam

Ahmad Boestamam (30 November 1920 – 19 Januari 1983; nama asal: Abdullah Thani bin Raja Kechil) adalah seorang aktivis politik anti penjajah Inggeris di Malaysia. Beliau ditangkap dan dipenjarakan sebanyak 3 kali.

Seperti kebanyakan para aktivis politik yang sezaman dengannya, Ahmad Boestamam adalah seorang wartawan akhbar yang sangat prolifik. Beliau bermula dengan akhbar Saudara di Pulau Pinang, kemudian Warta Kinta di Ipoh, Majlis di Kuala Lumpur, Utusan Melayu di Singapura dan Warta Malaya juga di Singapura. Pekerjaannya itu juga menjadikan beliau bertembung dan bergaul dengan tokoh-tokoh wartawan Melayu lain seperti Abdul Rahim Kajai, Ibrahim Haji Yaacob dan Ishak Haji Muhammad (Pak Sako).

Kegiatan Boestamam dalam bidang kewartawanan ini telah menyebabkan beliau terlibat dalam arus kerancakan nasionalisme Melayu yang sedang memuncak pada tahun 1930-an. Beliau telah turut sama memberi pendapat dan cadangannya bagi memperbaiki kelemahan ekonomi, sosial dan politik orang Melayu daripada tekanan kerajaan British dan saingan kaum pendatang. Walaupun tulisannya tidak setajam rakan-rakannya yang lain, tetapi beliau telah melahirkan pendapatnya dalam nada dan pendapat yang sama dengan mereka. Persamaan harapannya untuk memajukan orang Melayu sudah cukup untuk membolehkan beliau terlibat secara langsung dalam kegiatan nasionalisme orang Melayu.

Kepentingan Boestamam dalam kegiatan politik bermula dengan penglibatannya dalam Kesatuan Melayu Muda (KMM) sebagai Penolong Setiausaha semasa menjadi pemberita khas akhbar Majlis di Kuala Lumpur yang dipimpin oleh Ibrahim Yaakob. Walaupun beliau hanya menjadi orang yang keempat penting dalam organisasi yang menjadi ejen Jepun, tetapi ini tidak dipandang ringan oleh kerajaan British. Ahmad Boestamam dianggap sebagai seorang aktivis politik antipenjajahan yang berbakat besar.

Penangkapan Boestamam pada tahun 1941-1942 bersama-sama dengan 150 orang anggota dan penyokong KMM memulakan kehidupan getir Boestamam sebagai seorang aktivis politik. Beliau telah menjadi lebih terdedah kepada tekanan penjajah, yang secara langsung memberi satu pemantapan kepada sikap antipenjajahannya. Ini menjadi satu pemangkin kepada semangatnya untuk terus bergiat dalam politik. Beliau dibebaskan oleh tentera Jepun yang datang menyerang Tanah Melayu.

Beliau pernah menerbitkan Testamen Politik Api yang mengajukan gagasan ‘merdeka dengan darah.’ Kerana karya tersebut, beliau dihadapkan ke mahkamah atas tuduhan menghasut pada tahun berikutnya, dan beliau dikenakan denda $1,200.00.

Ahmad Boestamam seorang perancang politik yang bijak. Beliau telah menubuhkan Gerakan Kiri Tanah Air (KITA) yang sedia bekerjasama dengan Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM) dan British yang sedang berusaha memerangi tentera Jepun. Boestamam kemudian menubuhkan Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM).

Sementara itu, Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM) yang mahu menguasai Tanah Melayu dengan cara perlembagaan telah membentuk satu “Barisan Bersatu Malaya” untuk mempengaruhi parti-parti politik Melayu dan kesatuan sekerja India.

Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM) cuba menjadi telunjuk dalam menentukan dasar politik Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). Dasar politik untuk melindungi dan berjuang bagi mewujudkan perasaan kebangsaan, memajukan ekonomi, pelajaran dan keadilan bagi masyarakat Melayu telah cuba diubah oleh Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM).

Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM) juga telah cuba meletakkan satu dasar penting yang melambangkan pembentukan sebuah bangsa “Malayan”, sesuai dengan dasarnya mewujudkan Barisan Bersatu Malayan pada masa depan. Akibatnya, dasar asal Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM) tidak lagi bersifat Melayu seratus peratus. Ia telah disesuaikan dengan kehendak dan cita-cita Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM).

Ahmad Boestamam menyedari hal tersebut, maka untuk mengimbangi pengaruh politik Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM) di dalam Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM), dalam satu persidangan yang diadakan pada 30 November 1945, dasar membentuk ‘Melayu Raya’ atau Indonesia Raya, telah dimasukkan sebagai salah satu matlamat perjuangan Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM).

Pada Februari 1946, ketika semangat menuntut kemerdekaan sedang meluap-luap, Ahmad Boestamam bersama dengan Dr Burhanuddin Al Helmi telah menubuhkan Angkatan Pemuda Insaf (API), sebuah pergerakan kiri yang radikal di Malaya dan memimpinnya sehingga pertubuhan itu akhirnya diharamkan oleh pihak British.

Penangkapan Ahmad Boestamam pada bulan Julai 1948-1954 membekukan kegiatan politik Ahmad Boestamam untuk satu tempoh yang panjang, iaitu selama tujuh tahun. Beliau terpaksa ditahan begitu lama kerana berbahaya kepada keselamatan politik British di Tanah Melayu dan kawasan sekitarnya, iaitu Nusantara.

Pengisytiharan undang-undang darurat 1948 telah digunakan oleh kerajaan British bukan sahaja untuk mengawal ideologi sosialime-komunisme dalam Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM) yang pernah menjadi rakan sekutu British menentang penaklukan Jepun di Tanah Melayu, tetapi turut digunakan ke atas Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM), dan anak-anak buahnya, Angkatan Pemuda Insaf (API) dan Angkatan Wanita Sedar (AWAS). Ahmad Boestamam dianggap sebagai sebahagian daripada tenaga penggerak yang paling berbahaya.

Parti Rakyat Malaya telah menjadi parti politiknya yang pertama yang ditubuhkannya selepas dibebaskan pada tahun 1955. Beliau telah menjadi pemimpin pembangkang Melayu menggunakan ideologi sosialisme-marhaenisme ciptaan Sukarno. Melalui kerjasama dengan Parti Buruh Malaya, beliau berjaya membentuk Socialist Front (SF) yang akhirnya menjadi salah satu parti pembangkang yang terkenal selepas kemerdekaan Tanah Melayu.

Pilihan Raya Umum Malaysia 1959 telah memberi satu pengiktirafan kepada kegiatan politik Ahmad Boestamam selama ini. Beliau telah memenangi kerusi parlimen Setapak di Kuala Lumpur di bawah tiket Socialist Front. Dengan itu, Ahmad Boestamam telah menjadi salah seorang anggota pembangkang yang disegani, bersama-sama dengan tokoh-tokoh nasionalis dan politik Melayu yang lain seperti Dato’ Onn Jaafar, Dr. Burhanuddin, Khadijah Sidek, Zulkifli Mohammad dan Othman Abdullah. Tokoh-tokoh pembangkang bukan Melayu yang handal seperti Dr. Seenivasagam, Tan Chee Koon dan Lim Kean Siew telah berganding bahu dengan Ahmad Boestamam dan rakan-rakan yang lain.

Kehadiran Ahmad Boestamam dan kawan-kawannya itu menjadikan Kerajaan Perikatan terpaksa bekerja keras untuk menentang mereka di Dewan Rakyat. Kehadiran mereka memang sangat menarik dalam sejarah politik berparlimen di Malaysia.

Ahmad Boestamam ditangkap pada tahun 1963, buat kali ketiga dalam sejarah hidup politiknya. Pada kali ini Ahmad Boestamam ditangkap oleh kerajaan yang dipilih oleh rakyat sendiri untuk merengkok dalam tahanan selama empat tahun. Ketika itu beliau masih menjadi ahli parlimen Setapak. Alasan kerajaan Perikatan ialah kerana Ahmad Boestamam terlibat dalam usaha Indonesia menentang gagasan Malaysia yang sedang diusahakan oleh Tunku Abdul Rahman, ketua kerajaan Perikatan dan Perdana Menteri Malaysia.

Ahmad Boestamam juga dituduh terlibat dalam peristiwa kebangkitan rakyat Brunei anjuran Parti Rakyat Brunei pimpinan Azhari pada tahun 1962 yang menuntut kemerdekaan Kalimantan Utara meliputi wilayah Sabah, Sarawak dan Brunei dari British. Namun pemberontakan yang memperoleh dukungan pemerintah Soekarno di Indonesia saat itu, berhasil dipatahkan tentera British.

Sebelum itu, pada tahun 1959, Sultan Brunei  Sir Omar Ali Saifuddin III, mewujudkan sebuah Parlimen dengan separuh anggotanya dilantik manakala separuh lagi akan dipilih melalui Pilihanraya. Pilihanraya telah diadakan pada bulan September 1962 dan kesemua kerusi yang ditandingi telah dimenangi oleh Parti Rakyat Brunei pimpinan Azhari.

Tuduhan terhadap Ahmad Boestamam ini sangat menarik kerana ia menimbulkan dua gambaran yang sangat penting. Pertama, ternyata Ahmad Boestamam seorang penyokong Indonesia yang sangat setia dan tetap. Kedua, penonjolan satu sisi penglibatan gerakan politik serantau oleh Ahmad Boestamam yang menyeluruh di Kepulauan Melayu atau Nusantara sebagai juara kepada gagasan Melayu Raya.